11 Spectacular morality‘Reality’ te

11 Spectacular morality
‘Reality’ television, individualisation and the remaking of the working class
Helen Wood and Bev Skeggs

Class themes haunt many of the debates about ‘reality’ television programming. In shows where media professionals are replaced with ‘social actors’ (Nichols 1991) discourses of class operate at a number of levels. First, ‘reality’ television is regularly spoken of as ‘trash’ television, locating participants and viewers at the bottom of a hierarchy of taste classification. Second, ‘reality’ television is seen to represent a crisis in civic public culture because public and private spheres have been inverted and the ‘ordinary’ has been made central. As Roger Bromley (2000) notes, ‘ordinary’ is one of the many euphemisms to emerge, after thirty years of political rhetoric and academic theory claiming the demise of class, as a substitute for the term ‘working-class’. Locating drama at the site of the ‘ordinary’ also suggests a greater purchase on the ‘authentic’ – a route informed by socialrealist critique in documentary and film – which is often problematically associated with the working class. Third, there is overrepresentation of the working class on ‘reality’ television, precisely because of their cultural and economic situation: Mimi White (2006) in her analysis of the American ‘reality’ programme Cheaters, a programme set up to catch partners in acts of infidelity, admits that the $500 payment skews the class profile decisively, so much so that ‘There is clearly a level of class exploitation at work’ (p. 229). This simple fact is often minimised by an optimistic rendering of the democratising potential of ‘reality’ television, which underplays why the working classes make such good entertainment in the first place (paid or unpaid). Fourth, and connectedly, class raises its head because the access offered to television in the search for participants reinvents the mythologies of social mobility promoted by neoliberal political culture (Biressi and Nunn 2005), despite the fact that the gap between rich and poor widens, and social mobility rates remain stagnant (Aldridge 2004). Finally, many of the programmes are structured through class relations where the working class are exposed as inadequate and in need of training in middle or upper-class culture (a mutation of the Pygmalion narrative, e.g. Ladette to Lady, or differentiated within the working class by the traditional trope of rough versus respectable, e.g. Holiday Showdown, Wife Swap). And yet, notwithstanding the entry of ‘reality’ television into the heart of these glaring class-based realities, discourses and sensibilities, it has been possible for some authors in television and media studies to write about ‘reality’ television without an adequate theory of class relations.

This chapter argues for greater awareness of how class is being made and reproduced on television, drawing attention to new sociological theories of class. ‘Reality’ television programmes have a remarkable resonance with developments in inequality and injustice under neoliberal governments, primarily through the promotion of self-management as a form of pedagogy, made spectacular via melodrama. We detail how melodramatic techniques on ‘reality’ television visualise emotional engagement through blending verisimilitude of the ordinary with surface dramatic intensity, making particular class-based histories and values appear as either pathological or universal. Although the chapter is based on research about UK television and the British climate, it should have significance for other similar political regimes.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Moralitas spektakuler 11'Realitas' televisi, individualisasi dan membentuk kembali kelas pekerjaHelen kayu dan Bev SkeggsClass themes haunt many of the debates about ‘reality’ television programming. In shows where media professionals are replaced with ‘social actors’ (Nichols 1991) discourses of class operate at a number of levels. First, ‘reality’ television is regularly spoken of as ‘trash’ television, locating participants and viewers at the bottom of a hierarchy of taste classification. Second, ‘reality’ television is seen to represent a crisis in civic public culture because public and private spheres have been inverted and the ‘ordinary’ has been made central. As Roger Bromley (2000) notes, ‘ordinary’ is one of the many euphemisms to emerge, after thirty years of political rhetoric and academic theory claiming the demise of class, as a substitute for the term ‘working-class’. Locating drama at the site of the ‘ordinary’ also suggests a greater purchase on the ‘authentic’ – a route informed by socialrealist critique in documentary and film – which is often problematically associated with the working class. Third, there is overrepresentation of the working class on ‘reality’ television, precisely because of their cultural and economic situation: Mimi White (2006) in her analysis of the American ‘reality’ programme Cheaters, a programme set up to catch partners in acts of infidelity, admits that the $500 payment skews the class profile decisively, so much so that ‘There is clearly a level of class exploitation at work’ (p. 229). This simple fact is often minimised by an optimistic rendering of the democratising potential of ‘reality’ television, which underplays why the working classes make such good entertainment in the first place (paid or unpaid). Fourth, and connectedly, class raises its head because the access offered to television in the search for participants reinvents the mythologies of social mobility promoted by neoliberal political culture (Biressi and Nunn 2005), despite the fact that the gap between rich and poor widens, and social mobility rates remain stagnant (Aldridge 2004). Finally, many of the programmes are structured through class relations where the working class are exposed as inadequate and in need of training in middle or upper-class culture (a mutation of the Pygmalion narrative, e.g. Ladette to Lady, or differentiated within the working class by the traditional trope of rough versus respectable, e.g. Holiday Showdown, Wife Swap). And yet, notwithstanding the entry of ‘reality’ television into the heart of these glaring class-based realities, discourses and sensibilities, it has been possible for some authors in television and media studies to write about ‘reality’ television without an adequate theory of class relations.Bab ini berpendapat untuk kesadaran tentang bagaimana kelas sedang dibuat dan direproduksi pada TV, menarik perhatian kepada teori-teori sosiologis yang baru kelas. Program televisi 'Realitas' memiliki resonansi yang luar biasa dengan perkembangan ketidaksetaraan dan ketidakadilan di bawah pemerintah neoliberal, terutama melalui promosi manajemen Mandiri sebagai bentuk pedagogi, membuat spektakuler melalui melodrama. Kami menjelaskan bagaimana melodramatis teknik di televisi 'realitas' memvisualisasikan emosional keterlibatan melalui pencampuran verisimilitude biasa dengan permukaan intensitas dramatis, membuat tertentu berdasarkan kelas sejarah dan nilai-nilai muncul sebagai baik patologis atau universal. Meskipun bab didasarkan pada penelitian tentang UK televisi dan iklim Inggris, harus memiliki arti penting bagi rezim politik serupa lainnya.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

11 Spectacular moralitas
'Reality' televisi, individualisasi dan memperbaharui kelas pekerja
Helen Wood dan Bev Skeggs Kelas tema menghantui banyak perdebatan tentang 'realitas' program televisi. Dalam acara di mana para profesional media diganti dengan 'aktor sosial' (Nichols 1991) wacana kelas beroperasi pada beberapa tingkat. Pertama, 'realitas' televisi secara teratur disebut sebagai 'sampah' televisi, mencari peserta dan penonton di bagian bawah hirarki klasifikasi rasa. Kedua, 'realitas' televisi dipandang mewakili krisis dalam budaya masyarakat sipil karena lingkungan publik dan swasta telah terbalik dan 'biasa' telah dibuat pusat. Seperti Roger Bromley (2000) mencatat, 'biasa' adalah salah satu dari banyak eufemisme muncul, setelah tiga puluh tahun retorika politik dan teori akademik mengklaim kematian kelas, sebagai pengganti istilah 'kelas pekerja'. Lokasi drama di lokasi yang 'biasa' juga menunjukkan pembelian yang lebih besar pada 'otentik' - rute diinformasikan oleh kritik socialrealist dalam film dokumenter dan film yang - yang sering dilematis terkait dengan kelas pekerja. Ketiga, ada perwakilan yang berlebihan dari kelas pekerja di 'realitas' televisi, justru karena situasi budaya dan ekonomi mereka: Mimi Putih (2006) dalam analisisnya dari Amerika 'realitas' Cheaters Program, sebuah program dibentuk untuk menangkap mitra dalam tindakan perselingkuhan, mengakui bahwa $ 500 pembayaran skews profil kelas tegas, begitu banyak sehingga 'Ada jelas tingkat eksploitasi kelas di tempat kerja' (hal. 229). Fakta sederhana ini sering diminimalkan oleh render optimis potensi demokratisasi dari 'realitas' televisi, yang underplays mengapa kelas bekerja membuat hiburan yang baik seperti di tempat pertama (dibayar atau tidak dibayar). Keempat, dan connectedly, kelas mengangkat kepalanya karena akses yang ditawarkan televisi dalam mencari peserta reinvents mitologi mobilitas sosial dipromosikan oleh budaya politik neoliberal (Biressi dan Nunn 2005), meskipun fakta bahwa kesenjangan antara melebar kaya dan miskin, dan tingkat mobilitas sosial tetap stagnan (Aldridge 2004). Akhirnya, banyak program yang terstruktur melalui hubungan kelas di mana kelas pekerja yang terkena tidak memadai dan membutuhkan pelatihan dalam budaya menengah atau kelas atas (mutasi dari narasi Pygmalion, misalnya Ladette untuk Lady, atau dibedakan dalam kelas pekerja oleh kiasan tradisional kasar dibandingkan terhormat, misalnya Liburan Showdown, Istri Swap). Namun, terlepas dari masuknya 'realitas' televisi ke jantung ini mencolok berbasis kelas realitas, wacana dan kepekaan, telah memungkinkan untuk beberapa penulis dalam studi televisi dan media untuk menulis tentang 'realitas' televisi tanpa teori yang memadai hubungan kelas. Bab ini berpendapat untuk kesadaran yang lebih besar tentang bagaimana kelas sedang dibuat dan direproduksi di televisi, menarik perhatian teori sosiologis baru kelas. 'Reality' program televisi memiliki resonansi yang luar biasa dengan perkembangan ketimpangan dan ketidakadilan di bawah pemerintahan neoliberal, terutama melalui promosi manajemen diri sebagai bentuk pedagogi, membuat spektakuler melalui melodrama. Kami rinci bagaimana teknik melodramatis tentang 'realitas' televisi memvisualisasikan keterlibatan emosional melalui pencampuran verisimilitude biasa dengan intensitas dramatis permukaan, membuat sejarah berbasis kelas tertentu dan nilai-nilai muncul sebagai salah patologis atau universal. Meskipun bab ini didasarkan pada penelitian tentang televisi Inggris dan iklim Inggris, harus memiliki arti penting bagi rezim politik lain yang sejenis.