The above conditions are certainly

The above conditions are certainly met in the case of sedentary or slightly mobile resources, such as seaweed and oyster and clam beds, and in the case of resources within well-defined geographical areas such as tidal lands, swamps, self-contained bays, lagoons, and river estuaries. Even with more mobile resources (like crustaceans) and open areas (like coastal waters) there is a possibility of dividing up the resource as long as the fish displacements and migrations between portions are not sufficient to obscure the connection between the “owner's” current actions and his/her future profits.
The revival and rejuvenation of traditional community rights over coastal resources offer, perhaps the best possible management option for scattered, remote, and fluid small-scale fisheries. There are several examples of territorial rights in traditional fisheries in countries as diverse as Brazil, the Ivory Coast, and Sri Lanka. Canoe fishermen operating in a river estuary in Valencia, eastern Brazil, succeeded through a rather complex system of zoning and timing based on the lunar-tide cycle to control internal population pressures and set limits on the intensity of fishing through access limitations, which established fishing as a reliable long-term occupation. Although the resource moved with the tide, the fishermen were able to map out its distribution in time and space and establish “temporary territorial rights which (could be) converted into long-standing territorial claims”.
Competition between different fishing methods was eliminated through the zoning that had matched
fishing methods and fishing grounds according to the effect of the tide cycle on their efficiency. This had a “boat-spacing” effect. Competition between the same type of gear was reduced through the selection of fishing spots (which had both a spatial and a temporal dimension) by individual captains on the basis of their knowledge of the tide movements and the fishing grounds. Although it was not unlikely for two or more captains to select the same fishing spot, the first to reach the spot had a temporary territorial claim. In the absence of clear-cut prior claims, lots were drawn. What prevented a common-property type of race for the premium fishing spots was a community ethic for captains to anticipate and avoid competitive encounters in deciding where to fish each day. This resulted in a situation where a limited number of captains owned “chunks of the lunar-tide fishing space,” exercised deliberate control over the “opportunity structure of fishing,” and passed their skills to a limited number
of apprentices. Thus, the fishermen on their own were able to stabilize their production system, set limits on the intensity of fishing, and resolve inter-gear conflicts through a system of temporary territorial claims.
Sri Lankan coastal fisheries have a history of traditional property rights in the form of rights of access and closed communities. In earlier times, beach seine owners controlled the access to coastal waters and had associated fishing rights that, along with other property, were subject to bilateral inheritance (by descent or marriage). Although at the start each beach seine owner had his own beach for which he had exclusive rights to operate, each of his children had only a fraction, not of his beach, but of his right to fish off the beach along with his brothers and brothers-in-law. While there was no limit to the number of nets that anyone holding rights to access could have constructed, the fishermen on a given beach, being a single kinship group, refrained from constructing additional nets unless they could bring in a catch whose value would have been higher than the cost of the net. That is, they acted as a single economic unit.
Sri Lankan coastal fishing villages are generally “closed” communities in the sense that persons from outside the village are not allowed access to the fishing grounds of the community. Outsiders are notallowed to anchor or beach fishing boats along the shoreline of the community, and labor is not recruited from outside the village. These restrictions on entry help to explain why Sri Lankan coastal fishermen, unlike many other small-scale fishermen in Asia, earn incomes appreciably above their opportunity costs.
Another example of the stark contrast between the situation of a fishery under open access and that of a fishery with traditional fishing rights is provided by the case of two lagoon fisheries in the Cote d'Ivoire (S.M. Garcia, pers. comm.). In Lagoon Ebrie near Abidjan, traditional customary rights of fishermen operating fixed gears broke down following the introduction of mobile gears, such as purse seines, by outsiders (mainly town investors). The Ebrie fishery is now overcapitalized and heavily overexploited in both the biological and economic sense, as evidenced by the small size of fish caught and the relatively low incomes of fishermen.
In contrast, the rather isolated fishery of Lagoon Tagba, over 100 kilometers from Abidjan, is still controlled by a limited number of chiefs (fishing team leaders) who have knowledge of the biological features of the resource and are enforcing traditional regulations on mesh size and on fishing in spawning areas. Though several tribes operate on the lagoon, the limited migration of catfish (the main species exploited) permits each community to manage its own portion of the lagoon. In the late 1960s a severe conflict arose between fishermen from neighboring countries and local fishermen

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Kondisi di atas terpenuhi pasti dalam hal sumber daya menetap atau sedikit mobile, seperti tempat tidur rumput laut dan tiram dan kerang, dan dalam hal sumber daya dalam wilayah geografis yang terdefinisi dengan baik lahan pasang surut, rawa-rawa, Teluk mandiri, laguna dan muara sungai. Bahkan dengan sumber-sumber yang lebih mobile (seperti krustasea) dan area terbuka (seperti perairan pantai) ada kemungkinan membagi harta sumber selama ikan perpindahan dan migrasi antara bagian-bagian yang tidak memadai untuk mengaburkan hubungan antara tindakan saat ini "pemilik" dan keuntungan masa depan mereka.Kebangkitan dan peremajaan hak-hak masyarakat tradisional atas sumber daya pesisir tawarkan, mungkin pilihan terbaik mungkin manajemen Perikanan berskala kecil yang tersebar, terpencil, dan cairan. Ada beberapa contoh hak wilayahnya di Perikanan tradisional di negara-negara yang beragam seperti Brasil, Paraguay, dan Sri Lanka. Perahu nelayan beroperasi di muara sungai di Valencia, Timur Brasil, berhasil melalui sistem yang agak kompleks zonasi dan waktu berdasarkan siklus lunar pasang untuk mengendalikan tekanan populasi internal dan menetapkan batas pada intensitas Memancing melalui akses keterbatasan, yang mendirikan Memancing sebagai pekerjaan jangka panjang yang dapat diandalkan. Meskipun sumber pindah dengan air pasang, nelayan mampu memetakan distribusi dalam ruang dan waktu dan mendirikan "sementara teritorial hak yang (bisa) dikonversi ke klaim teritorial lama".Persaingan antara metode berbeda pancing dihapuskan melalui zonasi yang telah cocokmetode memancing dan memancing Taman menurut efek gelombang siklus efisiensi mereka. Ini memiliki efek "perahu-spacing". Persaingan antara jenis gigi yang sama diturunkan melalui pemilihan tempat memancing (yang punya spasial dan dimensi fosil) oleh Kapten individu berdasarkan pengetahuan mereka tentang gerakan air pasang dan Taman memancing. Meskipun itu tidak mungkin untuk Kapten dua atau lebih untuk memilih tempat memancing yang sama, yang pertama untuk mencapai tempat yang memiliki klaim teritorial sementara. Dalam ketiadaan jelas klaim sebelumnya, undian. Apa yang mencegah jenis umum-properti perlombaan untuk titik-titik premi Memancing pada pertemuan komunitas etika untuk Kapten untuk mengantisipasi dan menghindari kompetitif dalam menentukan mana ikan setiap hari. Ini mengakibatkan situasi di mana sejumlah terbatas Kapten dimiliki kontrol disengaja "potongan ruang lunar pasang Memancing," yang dilaksanakan atas "struktur kesempatan memancing", dan lulus keterampilan mereka untuk jumlah terbatasdari magang. Dengan demikian, nelayan sendiri mampu untuk menstabilkan sistem produksi mereka, menetapkan batas pada intensitas memancing dan menyelesaikan konflik antar gigi melalui sistem sementara klaim teritorial.Sri Lanka Perikanan Pantai memiliki sejarah hak milik tradisional berupa hak-hak akses dan masyarakat tertutup. Dulu, Pantai seine pemilik dikontrol akses ke perairan pantai dan telah terkait hak nelayan itu, bersama dengan properti lainnya, tunduk pada bilateral warisan (oleh keturunan atau perkawinan). Meskipun pada awal setiap pemilik seine pantai memiliki pantai sendiri yang ia punya hak eksklusif untuk beroperasi, setiap anak-anaknya mempunyai hanya sebagian kecil, bukan pantai nya, tetapi haknya untuk ikan lepas pantai bersama dengan saudara-saudaranya dan brothers-in-law. Sementara ada tidak ada batas jumlah jaring bahwa siapa pun yang memegang hak untuk mengakses bisa telah dibangun, para nelayan di pantai tertentu, sebagai kelompok kekerabatan tunggal, menahan diri dari membangun tambahan jaring kecuali mereka bisa membawa menangkap nilai yang pasti lebih tinggi daripada biaya net. Iaitu, mereka bertindak sebagai satu kesatuan ekonomi.Desa nelayan pesisir Sri Lanka adalah masyarakat umumnya "tertutup" dalam arti bahwa orang-orang dari luar desa tidak diperbolehkan akses ke Taman Memancing masyarakat. Orang luar yang notallowed untuk jangkar atau perahu nelayan pantai sepanjang garis masyarakat, dan tenaga kerja tidak direkrut dari luar desa. Pembatasan pada entri membantu menjelaskan mengapa Sri Lanka nelayan pesisir, tidak seperti banyak nelayan skala kecil lainnya di Asia, memperoleh pendapatan lumayan di atas biaya kesempatan mereka.Contoh lain dari kontras antara situasi Perikanan di bawah membuka akses dan bahwa Perikanan dengan hak-hak nelayan tradisional disediakan oleh kasus dua Laguna Perikanan di Cote d'Ivoire (S.M. Garcia, pers. comm.). Di Ebrie Lagoon dekat Abidjan, hak-hak adat tradisional nelayan operasi tetap gigi rusak mengikuti pengenalan gigi mobile, seperti tas seines, oleh orang luar (terutama kota investor). Perikanan Ebrie sekarang overcapitalized dan berat overexploited dalam kedua biologi dan ekonomi pengertian, sebagaimana dibuktikan dengan ukuran kecil ikan tertangkap dan pendapatan yang relatif rendah nelayan.Sebaliknya, Perikanan agak terisolasi dari Lagoon Tagba, lebih dari 100 kilometer dari Abidjan, masih dikendalikan oleh sejumlah terbatas kepala (Memancing pemimpin tim) yang memiliki pengetahuan fitur biologis dari sumber daya dan yang menegakkan peraturan tradisional pada ukuran mesh dan memancing di daerah pemijahan. Meskipun beberapa suku-suku beroperasi di Laguna, migrasi terbatas Lele (spesies utama yang dieksploitasi) memungkinkan setiap komunitas untuk mengelola sendiri sebagian dari Laguna. 1960-an parah konflik timbul di antara nelayan dari negara-negara tetangga dan nelayan setempat