The system had a number of beneficial outcomes. Overcapacity was reduc terjemahan - The system had a number of beneficial outcomes. Overcapacity was reduc Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

The system had a number of benefici

The system had a number of beneficial outcomes. Overcapacity was reduced by 30%, the occupancy
rate of buses increased, congestion was relieved, and air pollution reduced at least proportionately (specific figures are not yet available). The reduced frequency of service and increased waiting time were offset by the increased speed of service. A negative side effect of the auction system has been the relocation of small operations to adjacent streets and residential areas, somewhat diluting the effectiveness of the auction (Figueroa, 1993). In response, the government is planning to extend the auction system to a wider area. There is also a proposal for a similar system for private cars, including a road pricing system. Like the Singapore congestion pricing system, the Santiago auction system may not be applicable
everywhere, but the innovative ideas it contains could help devise a system for cities, like Manila, with similar congestion and pollution problems and a large private fleet of public transport.
CHAPTER 6 ECONOMIC INSTRUMENTS FOR THE GLOBAL COMMONS
The scope and role of economic instruments are not limited to the management of domestic
environmental problems, but extend to the management of the global commons, such as the
conservation of tropical forests, the preservation of biodiversity, and the protection of the global climate and the ozone layer. As in the case of local environmental problems, the cost of controlling global pollutants or conserving resources of global significance varies significantly among countries as does people's willingness to pay for accomplishing global environmental objectives. The demand for global environmental policy comes mainly from the developed countries which have sufficiently high incomes and low discount rates to be concerned with environmental amenities and distant threats to their lifestyles. The lowest cost supply comes mainly from developing countries either by virtue of their greater biodiversity, lower energy efficiency, or lower opportunity costs. Under these circumstances equal or proportional emission reductions by all countries would be excessively costly, if not totally unacceptable to developing countries. Economic instruments could be used as vehicles for the internalization of global environmental benefits to developing countries: in terms of efficiency, the cost of a given global environmental improvement would be minimized (cost-effectiveness); in terms of distribution, the wealthy beneficiaries would pay and the poor countries would benefit (equity)
along the lines of the “beneficiary pays principle.” In the absence of a global government with taxation power, developed countries' willingness to pay for conservation could be captured through new innovative trading arrangements between developed and developing countries. Developing countries need financial resources and efficient technology to pursue sustainable development, in exchange they can offer:
a) unmatched biological diversity that can best be preserved only in situ;
b) forests that are of global significance in terms of their impact on global climate and
atmospheric balance; and
c) environmental amenities that include wildlife and other natural assets of recreational,
educational, and scientific value.
The South could offer to trade environmental conservation for financial and technological resources on behalf of the global community. It has a comparative advantage to do so because protection and maintenance of natural resources is labor-intensive and requires proximity and intimate knowledge of the resource, as well as interest in preserving national sovereignty.
But how are such trading arrangements actually to be effected? While there is a well-developed
market for financial and technological resources, there is no such market for the conservation of natural and biological resources. This is due to the nature of these resources (global externalities), the lack of well defined (and fully recognized) property rights, and the difficulty of enforcing contracts across borders in the absence of a “global authority” that supersedes national sovereignty. Moreover, the object of conservation and exchange is difficult to define and monitor. Despite these difficulties, some exchanges of this nature have taken place. Examples include debt-for-nature swaps, the Global Environmental Facility, the prospecting rights purchased by the Merck Pharmaceutical Company in Costa Rica, and the EcoFund in Poland created through debt-conversion and several carbon-offset arrangements between northern power utilities and southern energy companies or forest concerns. However, as these exchanges circumvent rather than enhance the market, they remain more the exception than the rule. Just as other goods and services are traded, mechanisms need to be developed through the market for trading conservation and global climate protection. Transferable development rights and internationally tradeable emission permits provide such mechanisms.
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1: [Salinan]
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Sistem ini memiliki sejumlah hasil yang menguntungkan. Kelebihan kapasitas berkurang sebesar 30%, huniantarif bus meningkat, kemacetan lega, dan polusi udara dikurangi paling proporsional (angka-angka tertentu tidak tersedia belum). Mengurangi frekuensi pelayanan dan peningkatan waktu tunggu yang diimbangi dengan peningkatan kecepatan layanan. Efek samping negatif dari sistem lelang telah relokasi operasi kecil untuk jalan-jalan yang berdekatan dan pemukiman, agak menipiskan efektivitas lelang (Figueroa, 1993). Sebagai respon, pemerintah berencana untuk memperluas sistem lelang untuk area yang lebih luas. Ada juga sebuah proposal untuk sistem serupa untuk mobil pribadi, termasuk jalan sistem harga. Seperti kemacetan Singapura sistem harga, sistem lelang Santiago tidak mungkin berlakumana-mana, tetapi ide-ide inovatif yang berisi bisa membantu merancang sebuah sistem untuk kota, seperti Manila, dengan masalah kemacetan dan polusi yang sama dan armada pribadi besar transportasi umum.BAB 6 EKONOMI INSTRUMEN UNTUK RUANG BERSAMA GLOBALRuang lingkup dan peranan ekonomi instrumen adalah tidak terbatas untuk pengelolaan domestikmasalah lingkungan, tetapi meluas ke manajemen ruang bersama global, sepertikonservasi hutan tropis, pelestarian keanekaragaman hayati dan perlindungan iklim global dan lapisan ozon. Seperti dalam kasus masalah-masalah lingkungan lokal, biaya pengendalian polutan global atau melestarikan sumber daya global signifikansi bervariasi secara signifikan antara negara-negara sebagai Apakah orang bersedia membayar untuk mencapai tujuan lingkungan global. Permintaan untuk kebijakan lingkungan global berasal terutama dari negara-negara maju yang memiliki pendapatan yang cukup tinggi dan rendah Diskon Spesial untuk peduli dengan lingkungan dan jauh ancaman terhadap gaya hidup mereka. Pasokan biaya terendah berasal terutama dari negara-negara berkembang baik berdasarkan keanekaragaman hayati yang lebih besar, efisiensi energi yang lebih rendah, atau biaya kesempatan yang lebih rendah. Dalam keadaan ini pengurangan emisi yang sama atau sebanding oleh semua negara akan menjadi terlalu mahal, jika tidak benar-benar tidak dapat diterima untuk negara-negara berkembang. Ekonomi instrumen dapat digunakan sebagai kendaraan untuk internalisasi manfaat lingkungan global untuk negara-negara berkembang: dalam hal efisiensi, biaya perbaikan lingkungan global yang diberikan akan diminimalkan (efektivitas biaya); dalam hal distribusi, penerima manfaat yang kaya akan membayar dan negara-negara miskin akan menguntungkan (equity)sepanjang baris "penerima manfaat membayar prinsip." Dalam ketiadaan pemerintah global dengan kekuatan perpajakan, negara-negara maju kesediaan untuk membayar konservasi bisa ditangkap melalui pengaturan perdagangan inovatif baru antara negara-negara maju dan berkembang. Negara-negara berkembang perlu sumber daya keuangan dan teknologi yang hemat untuk mengejar pembangunan berkelanjutan, dalam pertukaran mereka dapat menawarkan:) keanekaragaman hayati tak tertandingi yang terbaik dapat dipertahankan hanya di situ;b) hutan yang mempunyai signifikans global dalam hal dampaknya terhadap iklim global dankeseimbangan atmosfer; danc) lingkungan fasilitas yang mencakup satwa liar dan aset-aset alam lainnya rekreasi,nilai pendidikan dan ilmiah.Selatan dapat memberikan perdagangan lingkungan konservasi sumber daya keuangan dan teknologi atas nama komunitas global. Ini memiliki keunggulan komparatif untuk melakukannya karena perlindungan dan pemeliharaan sumber daya alam padat karya dan membutuhkan kedekatan dan pengetahuan mendalam tentang sumber daya, serta minat dalam melestarikan kedaulatan nasional.Tapi bagaimana pengaturan seperti perdagangan sebenarnya untuk dilakukan? Sementara ada berkembang dengan baikpasar untuk sumber daya keuangan dan teknologi, ada tidak ada pasar untuk konservasi sumber daya alam dan biologis. Ini adalah karena sifat dari sumber daya (global eksternalitas), kurangnya hak-hak properti yang didefinisikan dengan baik (dan sepenuhnya diakui), dan kesulitan menegakkan kontrak di sepanjang perbatasan dalam ketiadaan "otoritas global" yang menggantikan kedaulatan nasional. Selain itu, tujuan konservasi dan asing sulit untuk mendefinisikan dan memantau. Meskipun kesulitan ini, beberapa pertukaran alam ini telah terjadi. Contoh termasuk utang-untuk-sifat swap, Global Environmental Facility, hak-hak calon pelanggan yang dibeli oleh perusahaan farmasi Merck di Kosta Rika, dan EcoFund di Polandia diciptakan melalui beberapa pengaturan offset karbon antara listrik di utara dan Selatan energi perusahaan atau hutan keprihatinan dan utang-konversi. Namun, seperti pertukaran ini menghindari daripada meningkatkan pasar, mereka tetap lebih pengecualian dari aturan. Sama seperti lainnya barang dan jasa yang diperdagangkan, mekanisme perlu dikembangkan melalui pasar untuk konservasi dan perlindungan iklim global perdagangan. Hak pembangunan dipindahtangankan dan izin emisi internasional tradeable menyediakan mekanisme tersebut.
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
The system had a number of beneficial outcomes. Overcapacity was reduced by 30%, the occupancy
rate of buses increased, congestion was relieved, and air pollution reduced at least proportionately (specific figures are not yet available). The reduced frequency of service and increased waiting time were offset by the increased speed of service. A negative side effect of the auction system has been the relocation of small operations to adjacent streets and residential areas, somewhat diluting the effectiveness of the auction (Figueroa, 1993). In response, the government is planning to extend the auction system to a wider area. There is also a proposal for a similar system for private cars, including a road pricing system. Like the Singapore congestion pricing system, the Santiago auction system may not be applicable
everywhere, but the innovative ideas it contains could help devise a system for cities, like Manila, with similar congestion and pollution problems and a large private fleet of public transport.
CHAPTER 6 ECONOMIC INSTRUMENTS FOR THE GLOBAL COMMONS
The scope and role of economic instruments are not limited to the management of domestic
environmental problems, but extend to the management of the global commons, such as the
conservation of tropical forests, the preservation of biodiversity, and the protection of the global climate and the ozone layer. As in the case of local environmental problems, the cost of controlling global pollutants or conserving resources of global significance varies significantly among countries as does people's willingness to pay for accomplishing global environmental objectives. The demand for global environmental policy comes mainly from the developed countries which have sufficiently high incomes and low discount rates to be concerned with environmental amenities and distant threats to their lifestyles. The lowest cost supply comes mainly from developing countries either by virtue of their greater biodiversity, lower energy efficiency, or lower opportunity costs. Under these circumstances equal or proportional emission reductions by all countries would be excessively costly, if not totally unacceptable to developing countries. Economic instruments could be used as vehicles for the internalization of global environmental benefits to developing countries: in terms of efficiency, the cost of a given global environmental improvement would be minimized (cost-effectiveness); in terms of distribution, the wealthy beneficiaries would pay and the poor countries would benefit (equity)
along the lines of the “beneficiary pays principle.” In the absence of a global government with taxation power, developed countries' willingness to pay for conservation could be captured through new innovative trading arrangements between developed and developing countries. Developing countries need financial resources and efficient technology to pursue sustainable development, in exchange they can offer:
a) unmatched biological diversity that can best be preserved only in situ;
b) forests that are of global significance in terms of their impact on global climate and
atmospheric balance; and
c) environmental amenities that include wildlife and other natural assets of recreational,
educational, and scientific value.
The South could offer to trade environmental conservation for financial and technological resources on behalf of the global community. It has a comparative advantage to do so because protection and maintenance of natural resources is labor-intensive and requires proximity and intimate knowledge of the resource, as well as interest in preserving national sovereignty.
But how are such trading arrangements actually to be effected? While there is a well-developed
market for financial and technological resources, there is no such market for the conservation of natural and biological resources. This is due to the nature of these resources (global externalities), the lack of well defined (and fully recognized) property rights, and the difficulty of enforcing contracts across borders in the absence of a “global authority” that supersedes national sovereignty. Moreover, the object of conservation and exchange is difficult to define and monitor. Despite these difficulties, some exchanges of this nature have taken place. Examples include debt-for-nature swaps, the Global Environmental Facility, the prospecting rights purchased by the Merck Pharmaceutical Company in Costa Rica, and the EcoFund in Poland created through debt-conversion and several carbon-offset arrangements between northern power utilities and southern energy companies or forest concerns. However, as these exchanges circumvent rather than enhance the market, they remain more the exception than the rule. Just as other goods and services are traded, mechanisms need to be developed through the market for trading conservation and global climate protection. Transferable development rights and internationally tradeable emission permits provide such mechanisms.
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