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Sales floor trajectoriesDistinction

Sales floor trajectories
Distinction and service in postsocialist China

Amy Hanser
University of British Columbia, Canada
ABSTRACT

This article considers experiences of social change and
downward social mobility in contemporary China by applying theoretical
tools from Bourdieu to understand service interactions at a large,
state-owned department store serving the urban working class. It
demonstrates how sales clerks sought to maintain an imagined space of
working-class security by emphasizing a set of fading social distinctions.
Sales clerks did so by calling forth the waning symbolic capital of state
socialism and translating it into a form of postsocialist, working-class
nostalgia. In an effort to appeal to a downwardly-mobile, working-class
clientele in a reconfigured marketplace, sales clerks simultaneously traced
the downward social trajectory of China’s diminished urban proletariat.
KEY WORDS

China, service work, postsocialism, social change,
social mobility, distinction, trajectory
Like many Communist and former-Communist countries, China’s shift
from a centralized, planned economy and a state socialist system to a
market-driven one has upended the categories that once organized people’s
everyday lives. Shopping plazas replace factories as urban landmarks.
Businessmen earn recognition as ‘model workers’. The urban working class,
once the vanguard of China’s revolutionary aspirations, is now viewed as
an inefficient and undisciplined workforce (Rofel, 1989), a ball-and-chain
on state enterprises and the urban economy. Whereas economic reforms
have brought growing prosperity and upward mobility for some, for
_____
China’s urban proletariat the emerging social order threatens to deliver
economic insecurity and dramatic loss of social standing (Lee, 2000, 2002;
Solinger, 2004).
The dynamics of China’s socio-economic transformations play out
vividly on the sales floors of urban department stores and marketplaces.
To explore these changes and the strategies of daily life they bring forth,
I secured a sales clerk position at a state-owned department store in the
northeastern Chinese city of Harbin in the fall of 2001. But after only a
few days on the job at the Harbin No. ‘X’ Department Store, I found
myself ill-prepared to deal with the skeptical shoppers who frequented the
store.
A young woman, accompanied by her father, stopped at my counter in
search of a winter coat. She questioned me carefully about the quality of
the down coats I laid out across the counter for her. In response, I parroted
back the lines I had heard my co-workers, Big Sisters Zhao and Lin, use
with customers: ‘This is a Bingya coat, Ice Day line, new style’. The Bingya
Group was a famous Chinese maker of winter coats, and Ice Day was its
new subsidiary. But the young woman and her father were skeptical of my
claims, and they carefully examined the tags on the coat looking for some
mention of Bingya as parent company.
‘It must be a different company’, the father said. He carefully examined
the seams of the coat while zipping and unzipping the pockets.
‘This isn’t last year’s left-over merchandise, is it?’, the young woman
challenged.
Certainly not, I assured her. New this year.
The young woman then insisted she wanted the coat she was looking at,
but a ‘newer’ one – that is, one that had not been taken out of the box yet.
I informed her that we did not have two coats in this particular style, size,
and color.
‘If this is a new product, and not leftovers from last year, then how is it
you don’t have another coat in this color and size?’, she asked me. ‘It must
be old goods – doesn’t what I say make sense?’
At this point I felt myself getting angry. Why would I lie? ‘I just know
what they’ve told me’, I responded lamely, and to my relief my co-worker,
Big Sister Zhao, arrived to rescue me. Zhao patiently explained to the
customer that we received the goods in small lots and that the shipments
included many colors, but the range of sizes was incomplete. This expla-
nation satisfied the young woman, and she bought the coat. I nevertheless
marveled at the customer’s suggestion that I had been trying to trick her
and insulted at the implication that I was lying.
Countering such customer suspicions was a regular part of the workday
for Harbin No. X sales clerks. I quickly learned that my co-workers
deflected customer anxieties by reminding them of Harbin No. X’s links to
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Sales floor trajectoriesDistinction and service in postsocialist China■Amy HanserUniversity of British Columbia, CanadaABSTRACT■This article considers experiences of social change anddownward social mobility in contemporary China by applying theoreticaltools from Bourdieu to understand service interactions at a large, state-owned department store serving the urban working class. Itdemonstrates how sales clerks sought to maintain an imagined space ofworking-class security by emphasizing a set of fading social distinctions.Sales clerks did so by calling forth the waning symbolic capital of statesocialism and translating it into a form of postsocialist, working-classnostalgia. In an effort to appeal to a downwardly-mobile, working-classclientele in a reconfigured marketplace, sales clerks simultaneously tracedthe downward social trajectory of China’s diminished urban proletariat.KEY WORDS■China, service work, postsocialism, social change,social mobility, distinction, trajectoryLike many Communist and former-Communist countries, China’s shiftfrom a centralized, planned economy and a state socialist system to amarket-driven one has upended the categories that once organized people’severyday lives. Shopping plazas replace factories as urban landmarks.Businessmen earn recognition as ‘model workers’. The urban working class,once the vanguard of China’s revolutionary aspirations, is now viewed asan inefficient and undisciplined workforce (Rofel, 1989), a ball-and-chainon state enterprises and the urban economy. Whereas economic reformshave brought growing prosperity and upward mobility for some, for _____China’s urban proletariat the emerging social order threatens to delivereconomic insecurity and dramatic loss of social standing (Lee, 2000, 2002;Solinger, 2004).The dynamics of China’s socio-economic transformations play outvividly on the sales floors of urban department stores and marketplaces.To explore these changes and the strategies of daily life they bring forth,I secured a sales clerk position at a state-owned department store in thenortheastern Chinese city of Harbin in the fall of 2001. But after only afew days on the job at the Harbin No. ‘X’ Department Store, I foundmyself ill-prepared to deal with the skeptical shoppers who frequented thestore.A young woman, accompanied by her father, stopped at my counter insearch of a winter coat. She questioned me carefully about the quality ofthe down coats I laid out across the counter for her. In response, I parrotedback the lines I had heard my co-workers, Big Sisters Zhao and Lin, usewith customers: ‘This is a Bingya coat, Ice Day line, new style’. The BingyaGroup was a famous Chinese maker of winter coats, and Ice Day was itsnew subsidiary. But the young woman and her father were skeptical of myclaims, and they carefully examined the tags on the coat looking for somemention of Bingya as parent company.‘It must be a different company’, the father said. He carefully examinedthe seams of the coat while zipping and unzipping the pockets.‘This isn’t last year’s left-over merchandise, is it?’, the young womanchallenged.Certainly not, I assured her. New this year.The young woman then insisted she wanted the coat she was looking at,but a ‘newer’ one – that is, one that had not been taken out of the box yet.I informed her that we did not have two coats in this particular style, size,and color.‘If this is a new product, and not leftovers from last year, then how is ityou don’t have another coat in this color and size?’, she asked me. ‘It mustbe old goods – doesn’t what I say make sense?’At this point I felt myself getting angry. Why would I lie? ‘I just knowwhat they’ve told me’, I responded lamely, and to my relief my co-worker,Big Sister Zhao, arrived to rescue me. Zhao patiently explained to thecustomer that we received the goods in small lots and that the shipmentsincluded many colors, but the range of sizes was incomplete. This expla-nation satisfied the young woman, and she bought the coat. I neverthelessmarveled at the customer’s suggestion that I had been trying to trick herand insulted at the implication that I was lying.Countering such customer suspicions was a regular part of the workdayfor Harbin No. X sales clerks. I quickly learned that my co-workersdeflected customer anxieties by reminding them of Harbin No. X’s links to
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Lantai penjualan lintasan
Distinction dan layanan di postsocialist Cina

Amy Hanser
University of British Columbia, Kanada
ABSTRAK

Artikel ini menganggap pengalaman perubahan sosial dan
mobilitas sosial ke bawah di China kontemporer dengan menerapkan teori
alat dari Bourdieu untuk memahami interaksi layanan di besar,
negara- dimiliki department store yang melayani kelas pekerja perkotaan. Ini
menunjukkan bagaimana panitera penjualan berusaha untuk mempertahankan ruang dibayangkan
keamanan kelas pekerja dengan menekankan satu set memudar perbedaan sosial.
Penjualan pegawai melakukannya dengan memanggil sebagainya ibukota memudarnya simbolis negara
sosialisme dan menerjemahkannya ke dalam bentuk postsocialist, bekerja- kelas
nostalgia. Dalam upaya untuk menarik ke bawah-mobile, kelas pekerja
klien di pasar ulang, panitera penjualan secara bersamaan ditelusuri
lintasan sosial ke bawah berkurang proletariat perkotaan Cina.
KATA KUNCI

Cina, kerja layanan, postsocialism, perubahan sosial,
mobilitas sosial, perbedaan, lintasan
Seperti banyak negara-negara komunis dan mantan-komunis, pergeseran China
dari terpusat, ekonomi terencana dan sistem sosialis negara ke
satu pasar-didorong telah terjungkal kategori yang pernah diselenggarakan masyarakat
kehidupan sehari-hari. Plaza belanja menggantikan pabrik sebagai landmark kota.
Pengusaha mendapatkan pengakuan sebagai 'pekerja Model'. Kelas pekerja di perkotaan,
sekali pelopor aspirasi revolusioner China, kini dipandang sebagai
tenaga kerja yang tidak efisien dan tidak disiplin (Rofel, 1989), bola-dan-rantai
pada perusahaan negara dan ekonomi perkotaan. Sedangkan reformasi ekonomi
telah membawa tumbuh kemakmuran dan mobilitas ke atas untuk beberapa, untuk
_____
proletariat perkotaan China tatanan sosial yang muncul mengancam untuk memberikan
ketidakamanan ekonomi dan hilangnya dramatis status sosial (Lee, 2000, 2002;
Solinger, 2004).
Dinamika China sosio transformasi -economic bermain keluar
jelas di lantai penjualan department store perkotaan dan pasar.
Untuk mengeksplorasi perubahan ini dan strategi kehidupan sehari-hari mereka mendatangkan,
saya dijamin posisi petugas penjualan di department store milik negara di
timur laut kota Cina Harbin pada musim gugur tahun 2001. Tapi setelah hanya
beberapa hari pada pekerjaan di Harbin No 'X' Department Store, saya menemukan
diri saya tidak siap untuk berurusan dengan pembeli skeptis yang sering dikunjungi para
toko.
Seorang wanita muda, disertai dengan ayahnya, berhenti di meja saya di
pencarian dari mantel musim dingin. Dia mempertanyakan saya hati-hati tentang kualitas
mantel bawah saya diletakkan di meja untuknya. Sebagai tanggapan, saya parroted
kembali garis Saya telah mendengar rekan kerja saya, Big Sisters Zhao dan Lin, gunakan
dengan pelanggan: "Ini adalah mantel Bingya, garis Ice Day, gaya baru '. The Bingya
Group pembuat Cina terkenal mantel musim dingin, dan es Day adalah yang
anak perusahaan baru. Tapi wanita muda dan ayahnya skeptis saya
klaim, dan mereka dengan hati-hati memeriksa tag pada mantel mencari beberapa
menyebutkan Bingya sebagai induk perusahaan.
"Ini harus menjadi perusahaan yang berbeda ', kata sang ayah. Dia hati-hati memeriksa
jahitan mantel sementara zipping dan unzip kantong.
"Ini bukan kiri-atas barang tahun lalu, bukan? ', wanita muda
menantang.
Tentu saja tidak, aku meyakinkannya. . Baru tahun ini
Wanita muda itu bersikeras ia ingin mantel dia melihat,
tapi 'baru' satu - yaitu, satu yang belum dibawa keluar dari kotak belum.
Aku mengatakan padanya bahwa kita tidak memiliki dua lapis dalam gaya tertentu, ukuran,
dan warna.
"Jika ini adalah produk baru, dan tidak sisa dari tahun lalu, maka bagaimana itu
Anda tidak memiliki mantel lain dalam warna ini dan ukuran? ", dia bertanya padaku. "Ini harus
menjadi barang tua -? tidak apa yang saya katakan masuk akal '
Pada titik ini saya merasa diriku marah. Mengapa saya berbohong? "Saya hanya tahu
apa yang mereka bilang ', saya menanggapi dengan lemah, dan saya lega rekan kerja saya,
Kakak Zhao, tiba untuk menyelamatkan saya. Zhao sabar menjelaskan kepada
pelanggan bahwa kami menerima barang dalam banyak kecil dan bahwa pengiriman
termasuk banyak warna, tetapi berbagai ukuran tidak lengkap. Penjelasan yang ini
bangsa puas wanita muda, dan dia membeli mantel. Aku tetap
mengagumi saran pelanggan bahwa saya telah mencoba untuk mengelabui dia
dan menghina pada implikasi bahwa aku berbaring.
Melawan kecurigaan pelanggan tersebut adalah bagian rutin dari hari kerja
untuk Harbin Nomor X panitera penjualan. Aku cepat belajar bahwa rekan kerja saya
dibelokkan kecemasan pelanggan dengan mengingatkan mereka link Harbin Nomor X untuk
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