At the macro level, returns might be even lower than company-level ret terjemahan - At the macro level, returns might be even lower than company-level ret Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

At the macro level, returns might b

At the macro level, returns might be even lower than company-level returns because of two negative externalities linked to e-commerce sites. First, the Internet allows businesses to force other companies and individuals to perform part of the service previously provided by the newly networked business. For example, Expedia.com encourages the customer to search for cheaper flights through the air ticket database rather than its travel agents. This leads to savings for Expedia, but does not necessarily increase economic efficiency.

Second, and perhaps of greater concern to LDC companies with less access to the new technologies, micro studies might find supra-normal returns to investment absent in macro studies because Internet investment (by, for example, Borders.com) involves defending market share (against Amazon.com)—so that social returns to this investment are lower than private returns.10

The above discussion suggests at least two concerns for LDCs. First, if there is limited evidence of a past spillover impact of investment in computers and the Internet on economic growth in the US, and the case for a dramatic increase in productivity in the future is at least mixed, this suggests any benefits from the Internet in LDCs are likely to be greatly delayed and comparatively small. As we shall see, access to the capital required to use the Internet is very limited in LDCs; present use is a fraction of that in the developed world, and this is a state of affairs unlikely to change significantly in the near term. In other words, the present level of usage in the United States is not promoting growth, and this level of usage is already far higher than can be expected in developing countries for many years to come.

A second reason for concern is that the discussion above suggests that, in the US, moving online has become important to protect market share. If this becomes true on a global level, those companies least equipped to move online are likely to lose market share to those better-placed. It is likely that the least-equipped companies will be concentrated in the developing world.


4 The Internet in LDCs

Turning back to the production of IT, as we have noted, this is the one sector of the US economy that has seen undoubted productivity gains. However, it is not a sector that is prevalent in many developing countries. That the picture is not totally bleak is proven by the fact that high technology exports account for 28 per cent of East Asia’s manufacturing exports. There is also the example of India’s thriving IT export industry. But India is very much the exception, and most LDCs import far more high technology equipment and services than they export. The ITU estimates that exports of telecommunications equipment are only worth 8 per cent of imports of such equipment in low-income and 40 per cent of imports in middle-income countries, for example (ITU2000). Overall, low-income countries are responsible for but 0.3 per cent of the world’s high-technology exports.

A related phenomenon is that LDCs have far lower expenditures on developing new technologies. Expenditure on R&D in low-income countries combined totalled approximately US$5 billion in 1999, compared to the figure for the US alone of US$234 billion. Not surprisingly, this translates into OECD dominance of world patent applications. Some 1,114,400 patent applications were filed in low-income countries in 1998. Under 10,000 of these applications—or under one per cent—were filed by residents. In turn, royalty and license fee payments by low-income countries were nine times royalty receipts, whereas in the US, royalty receipts were 2.7 times payments (calculated from World Bank 2001).

These are significant figures because it appears that the major profits in the IT sector are made by patent owners rather than licensees (suggested by the fact that US companies produce 56 per cent of the revenues yet garner 96 per cent of the profits from the global IT industry [Heeks and Kenny 2001]). Perhaps because of this, evidence from LDCs with significant IT industries does not suggest a productivity impact from that industry of the kind seen in the US. East Asia, the developing region with the largest IT industry, suggests no correlation between the proportion of high-tech exports in total exports and productivity growth (APEC 2001). Overall, LDCs are largely importing goods in the IT sectors, not inventing or even producing them. Given this is where the profits and productivity increases of the Internet revolution appear to be concentrated, this is a significant problem.

Turning to the potential spillover effects and wider productivity gains from use that proponents suggest will provide the more significant long-term impact of the Internet, LDCs appear in a weaker position to garner these benefits, as well. First is the simple question of access to the network. Most producers and consumers in the US had telephone and computer access prior to the expansion of the Internet, making the cost of connectivity the purchase of a modem and an ISP account marginal. In LDCs, the picture is markedly different. Telephone lines per capita average 2.6 per 100 people in low-income countries as compared to 66.4 in the United States. Albouy (1999) estimates that about 2 billion people, the vast majority in LDCs, lack access to electricity (in rural Tanzania, it is 99.2 per cent of the population). Computer ownership is 4.4 per thousand people in low-income economies compared to 511 per thousand in the US (calculated from World Bank 2001).

Further, while technological change is making both network and computer access cheaper, serving LDC populations will remain more expensive than serving OECD populations. Fifty-nine per cent of the population in low- and middle-income countries are rural, compared to 24 per cent in high-income economies. It is more expensive to provide networked services such as electricity and telephony to rural areas because the amount of infrastructure required per customer is higher than in urban areas. The physical costs of computer and telephone access are unlikely to drop below US$1,000 even in relatively population-dense rural areas with electricity access (Kenny 2002). In low-density areas without networked services, costs of Internet infrastructure can rise as high as US$20,000 per computer.
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At the macro level, returns might be even lower than company-level returns because of two negative externalities linked to e-commerce sites. First, the Internet allows businesses to force other companies and individuals to perform part of the service previously provided by the newly networked business. For example, Expedia.com encourages the customer to search for cheaper flights through the air ticket database rather than its travel agents. This leads to savings for Expedia, but does not necessarily increase economic efficiency.Second, and perhaps of greater concern to LDC companies with less access to the new technologies, micro studies might find supra-normal returns to investment absent in macro studies because Internet investment (by, for example, Borders.com) involves defending market share (against Amazon.com)—so that social returns to this investment are lower than private returns.10The above discussion suggests at least two concerns for LDCs. First, if there is limited evidence of a past spillover impact of investment in computers and the Internet on economic growth in the US, and the case for a dramatic increase in productivity in the future is at least mixed, this suggests any benefits from the Internet in LDCs are likely to be greatly delayed and comparatively small. As we shall see, access to the capital required to use the Internet is very limited in LDCs; present use is a fraction of that in the developed world, and this is a state of affairs unlikely to change significantly in the near term. In other words, the present level of usage in the United States is not promoting growth, and this level of usage is already far higher than can be expected in developing countries for many years to come.
A second reason for concern is that the discussion above suggests that, in the US, moving online has become important to protect market share. If this becomes true on a global level, those companies least equipped to move online are likely to lose market share to those better-placed. It is likely that the least-equipped companies will be concentrated in the developing world.


4 The Internet in LDCs

Turning back to the production of IT, as we have noted, this is the one sector of the US economy that has seen undoubted productivity gains. However, it is not a sector that is prevalent in many developing countries. That the picture is not totally bleak is proven by the fact that high technology exports account for 28 per cent of East Asia’s manufacturing exports. There is also the example of India’s thriving IT export industry. But India is very much the exception, and most LDCs import far more high technology equipment and services than they export. The ITU estimates that exports of telecommunications equipment are only worth 8 per cent of imports of such equipment in low-income and 40 per cent of imports in middle-income countries, for example (ITU2000). Overall, low-income countries are responsible for but 0.3 per cent of the world’s high-technology exports.

A related phenomenon is that LDCs have far lower expenditures on developing new technologies. Expenditure on R&D in low-income countries combined totalled approximately US$5 billion in 1999, compared to the figure for the US alone of US$234 billion. Not surprisingly, this translates into OECD dominance of world patent applications. Some 1,114,400 patent applications were filed in low-income countries in 1998. Under 10,000 of these applications—or under one per cent—were filed by residents. In turn, royalty and license fee payments by low-income countries were nine times royalty receipts, whereas in the US, royalty receipts were 2.7 times payments (calculated from World Bank 2001).

These are significant figures because it appears that the major profits in the IT sector are made by patent owners rather than licensees (suggested by the fact that US companies produce 56 per cent of the revenues yet garner 96 per cent of the profits from the global IT industry [Heeks and Kenny 2001]). Perhaps because of this, evidence from LDCs with significant IT industries does not suggest a productivity impact from that industry of the kind seen in the US. East Asia, the developing region with the largest IT industry, suggests no correlation between the proportion of high-tech exports in total exports and productivity growth (APEC 2001). Overall, LDCs are largely importing goods in the IT sectors, not inventing or even producing them. Given this is where the profits and productivity increases of the Internet revolution appear to be concentrated, this is a significant problem.

Turning to the potential spillover effects and wider productivity gains from use that proponents suggest will provide the more significant long-term impact of the Internet, LDCs appear in a weaker position to garner these benefits, as well. First is the simple question of access to the network. Most producers and consumers in the US had telephone and computer access prior to the expansion of the Internet, making the cost of connectivity the purchase of a modem and an ISP account marginal. In LDCs, the picture is markedly different. Telephone lines per capita average 2.6 per 100 people in low-income countries as compared to 66.4 in the United States. Albouy (1999) estimates that about 2 billion people, the vast majority in LDCs, lack access to electricity (in rural Tanzania, it is 99.2 per cent of the population). Computer ownership is 4.4 per thousand people in low-income economies compared to 511 per thousand in the US (calculated from World Bank 2001).

Further, while technological change is making both network and computer access cheaper, serving LDC populations will remain more expensive than serving OECD populations. Fifty-nine per cent of the population in low- and middle-income countries are rural, compared to 24 per cent in high-income economies. It is more expensive to provide networked services such as electricity and telephony to rural areas because the amount of infrastructure required per customer is higher than in urban areas. The physical costs of computer and telephone access are unlikely to drop below US$1,000 even in relatively population-dense rural areas with electricity access (Kenny 2002). In low-density areas without networked services, costs of Internet infrastructure can rise as high as US$20,000 per computer.
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Pada tingkat makro, return mungkin bahkan lebih rendah dari return perusahaan-tingkat karena dua eksternalitas negatif terkait dengan situs e-commerce. Pertama, Internet memungkinkan perusahaan untuk memaksa perusahaan lain dan individu untuk melakukan bagian dari layanan yang sebelumnya diberikan oleh bisnis baru jaringan. Misalnya, Expedia.com mendorong pelanggan untuk mencari yang lebih murah penerbangan melalui database tiket udara daripada agen perjalanan nya. Hal ini menyebabkan tabungan untuk Expedia, tapi tidak selalu meningkatkan efisiensi ekonomi. Kedua, dan mungkin perhatian yang lebih besar kepada perusahaan LDC dengan akses kurang untuk teknologi baru, studi mikro mungkin menemukan supra normal kembali ke absen investasi dalam studi makro karena investasi Internet (oleh, misalnya, Borders.com) melibatkan membela pangsa pasar (melawan Amazon.com) -sehingga bahwa pengembalian sosial untuk investasi ini lebih rendah dari returns.10 swasta Diskusi di atas menunjukkan setidaknya dua kekhawatiran untuk LDCs. Pertama, jika ada bukti terbatas dampak spillover masa lalu investasi di komputer dan internet pada pertumbuhan ekonomi di AS, dan kasus untuk peningkatan dramatis dalam produktivitas di masa depan adalah setidaknya campuran, ini menunjukkan manfaat dari Internet di LDC kemungkinan akan sangat tertunda dan relatif kecil. Seperti yang akan kita lihat, akses ke modal yang diperlukan untuk menggunakan internet sangat terbatas di LDCs; Penggunaan hadir adalah sebagian kecil dari yang di negara maju, dan ini adalah keadaan mungkin berubah secara signifikan dalam waktu dekat. Dengan kata lain, tingkat hadir penggunaan di Amerika Serikat tidak mempromosikan pertumbuhan, dan tingkat penggunaan sudah jauh lebih tinggi daripada yang bisa diharapkan di negara-negara berkembang selama bertahun-tahun yang akan datang. Alasan kedua untuk perhatian adalah bahwa diskusi di atas menunjukkan bahwa, di AS, bergerak online telah menjadi penting untuk melindungi pangsa pasar. Jika ini menjadi kenyataan pada tingkat global, perusahaan-perusahaan paling siap untuk bergerak secara online cenderung kehilangan pangsa pasar bagi mereka lebih baik ditempatkan. Sangat mungkin bahwa setidaknya dilengkapi perusahaan akan terkonsentrasi di negara berkembang. 4 Internet di LDCs Beralih kembali ke produksi TI, seperti yang kita ketahui, ini adalah salah satu sektor ekonomi AS yang telah melihat peningkatan produktivitas diragukan . Namun, itu bukan sektor yang lazim di banyak negara berkembang. Bahwa gambar tidak benar-benar suram ini dibuktikan dengan fakta bahwa ekspor teknologi tinggi account untuk 28 persen dari ekspor manufaktur Asia Timur. Ada juga contoh industri ekspor TI berkembang India. Tapi India sangat banyak pengecualian, dan yang paling LDC mengimpor jauh lebih peralatan teknologi tinggi dan jasa dari yang mereka ekspor. ITU memperkirakan bahwa ekspor peralatan telekomunikasi yang hanya bernilai 8 persen dari impor peralatan tersebut di berpenghasilan rendah dan 40 persen impor di negara-negara berpenghasilan menengah, misalnya (ITU2000). Secara keseluruhan, negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah bertanggung jawab atas namun 0,3 persen dari ekspor teknologi tinggi di dunia. Sebuah fenomena yang terkait adalah bahwa LDCs memiliki pengeluaran jauh lebih rendah pada pengembangan teknologi baru. Pengeluaran untuk R & D di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah dikombinasikan mencapai sekitar US $ 5 miliar pada tahun 1999, dibandingkan dengan angka untuk AS sendiri dari US $ 234.000.000.000. Tidak mengherankan, ini diterjemahkan ke dalam OECD dominasi aplikasi paten dunia. Beberapa 1.114.400 aplikasi paten yang diajukan di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah pada tahun 1998. Di bawah 10.000 dari aplikasi ini-atau di bawah satu persen-yang diajukan oleh warga. Pada gilirannya, royalti dan biaya lisensi pembayaran oleh negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah sembilan penerimaan kali royalti, sedangkan di AS, penerimaan royalti 2,7 kali pembayaran (dihitung dari Bank Dunia 2001). Ini adalah angka signifikan karena tampak bahwa keuntungan utama dalam sektor IT yang dibuat oleh pemilik paten daripada lisensi (disarankan oleh fakta bahwa perusahaan-perusahaan AS menghasilkan 56 persen dari pendapatan belum mengumpulkan 96 persen dari keuntungan dari industri TI global [Heeks dan Kenny 2001]). Mungkin karena ini, bukti dari LDCs dengan industri TI yang signifikan tidak menyarankan dampak produktivitas dari industri yang dari jenis yang terlihat di AS. Asia timur, wilayah berkembang dengan industri IT terbesar, menunjukkan tidak ada korelasi antara proporsi ekspor teknologi tinggi di total ekspor dan pertumbuhan produktivitas (APEC 2001). Secara keseluruhan, LDC sebagian besar mengimpor barang di sektor TI, bukan menciptakan atau bahkan memproduksi mereka. Mengingat ini adalah di mana keuntungan dan meningkatkan produktivitas revolusi internet tampaknya terkonsentrasi, ini adalah masalah yang signifikan. Beralih ke efek spillover potensi dan keuntungan produktivitas yang lebih luas dari penggunaan yang pendukung menyarankan akan memberikan dampak jangka panjang yang lebih signifikan dari Internet, LDC muncul dalam posisi lemah untuk mengumpulkan manfaat ini, juga. Pertama adalah pertanyaan sederhana akses ke jaringan. Kebanyakan produsen dan konsumen di AS memiliki telepon dan komputer akses sebelum perluasan Internet, membuat biaya konektivitas pembelian modem dan account ISP marginal. Dalam LDC, gambar sangat berbeda. Saluran telepon per kapita rata-rata 2,6 per 100 orang di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah dibandingkan dengan 66,4 di Amerika Serikat. Albouy (1999) memperkirakan bahwa sekitar 2 miliar orang, sebagian besar di LDCs, kurangnya akses ke listrik (di Tanzania pedesaan, itu adalah 99,2 persen dari populasi). Kepemilikan komputer adalah 4,4 per seribu orang di negara berpenghasilan rendah dibandingkan dengan 511 per seribu di AS (dihitung dari Bank Dunia 2001). Lebih lanjut, sementara perubahan teknologi yang membuat kedua jaringan dan komputer akses lebih murah, yang melayani populasi LDC akan tetap lebih mahal dibandingkan melayani populasi OECD. Lima puluh sembilan persen dari populasi di negara-negara berpenghasilan rendah dan menengah yang pedesaan, dibandingkan dengan 24 persen di negara berpenghasilan tinggi. Hal ini lebih mahal untuk menyediakan layanan jaringan seperti listrik dan telepon untuk daerah pedesaan karena jumlah infrastruktur yang dibutuhkan per pelanggan lebih tinggi daripada di daerah perkotaan. Biaya fisik komputer dan akses telepon tidak mungkin untuk turun di bawah US $ 1.000 bahkan di daerah pedesaan yang relatif populasi padat dengan akses listrik (Kenny 2002). Di daerah low-density tanpa layanan jaringan, biaya infrastruktur internet dapat naik setinggi US $ 20.000 per komputer.


















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