SHIFTING REGULATORY EMPHASIS: FROM DECRYING ILLEGALITY TO ADVANCING RI terjemahan - SHIFTING REGULATORY EMPHASIS: FROM DECRYING ILLEGALITY TO ADVANCING RI Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

SHIFTING REGULATORY EMPHASIS: FROM

SHIFTING REGULATORY EMPHASIS: FROM DECRYING ILLEGALITY TO ADVANCING RIGHTS
AT THE DISTRICT LEVEL?

In previous issues of World Development, Casson and Obid- zinski (2002) warned that simplistic discourses of “criminality” were hurting efforts to manage logging and to reverse defores- tation patterns, while Li (2002) cautioned that donor agencies’ delusions about rights and community-based resource man- agement have tended to obfuscate concerns about equitable resource distribution and rights. The case of small-scale min- ing in Central Kalimantan shows the need for carefully heed- ing these cautions again. Multiple types of rights in mining areas can be understood in conjunction with multiple regional and global power dynamics. While discourses differ in repre- senting the overlapping and conflicting “rights” claims of indi- viduals and communities (Figure 2), the right to be protected from negative mining impacts evidently has a murky link to the “right” to benefit directly from local resources as well as the right to pursue livelihoods, to access public services and to self-govern and manage ancestral resources. Whose rights count the most, and what does it ultimately mean to “promote rights”?
Scholarship on indigenous rights has increasingly empha- sized ambiguities regarding procedural aspects of “self-deter- mination” and substantive aspects of distributional justice, producing starkly divergent opinions from international activ- ists who converge under the banner of an indigenous people’s rights movement (Castree, 2004; Oldham & Frank, 2008).



















Figure 2. Simplified schematic of intersecting rights concerns (community and individual rights).

With murky global commitments to “rights” in mind, the next section thus re-thinks how UN efforts to address local mining rights exposed further political ambiguities at the Galangan site. Given past problems with technocratic visions of rights, how should international agencies be more responsive to nuance in mining communities? Below I highlight how a UN project sought to address rights concerns in ways that pro- duced highly ambiguous results, revealing why donor efforts are so riddled with complexity.
The case relates to my participation with other development practitioners and stakeholders involved in the UN Global Mercury Project, which began in 2005 to promote the formal- ization of small-scale miners’ resource rights as a prerequisite for improving small-scale mining technologies, adapting and broadening its initially pollution-focused mandate (Spiegel & Veiga, 2005). As noted earlier, government officials’ unyielding views about illegality were preventing UN health and techno- logical trainers from educating people about hazardous risks in North Sulawesi, and the Central Kalimantan location thus took on an added sense of importance as this was the one opportunity to collaborate, through what one NGO worker optimistically termed “constructive engagement.” At the start of the UN intervention process, it was found that there was no district regulation introduced by governments for either the Talawaan or Galangan regions to provide a framework for developing small-scale mining and environmental manage- ment (only central government laws—Mining Law No. 11 of 1967—seemed to apply initially). Some stakeholder discus- sions led to advocacies suggesting the need for a national con- stitutional reform to recognize indigenous mining rights; but despite some arguments 15 for this, the UN project team did not pursue this advocacy. Rather, engaging the Katingan Dis- trict Government to address the Galangan region, new licens- ing regulations were proposed by the UN program and adopted by the district government in 2006. The regulations created a licensing system for small-scale miners with the view that licensing would ensure more environmentally responsible management and legitimate labor rights. Key parts of the 2006 regulation include:

“(1) The area that a people’s mining permit given to an individual may cover a maximum of 5 (five) hectares. (2) A cooperative may be pro- vided with a people’s mining permit covering an area of a maximum of 25 (twenty five) hectares. (3) An individual that has already had a peo- ple’s mining permit is no longer allowed to have another permit unless his or her previous permit has expired [or is no longer effective]. (4) A peo- ple’s mining area shall be situated on land, at least 200 meters away from the bank of a river.” 16
0/5000
Dari: -
Ke: -
Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1: [Salinan]
Disalin!
SHIFTING REGULATORY EMPHASIS: FROM DECRYING ILLEGALITY TO ADVANCING RIGHTSAT THE DISTRICT LEVEL?In previous issues of World Development, Casson and Obid- zinski (2002) warned that simplistic discourses of “criminality” were hurting efforts to manage logging and to reverse defores- tation patterns, while Li (2002) cautioned that donor agencies’ delusions about rights and community-based resource man- agement have tended to obfuscate concerns about equitable resource distribution and rights. The case of small-scale min- ing in Central Kalimantan shows the need for carefully heed- ing these cautions again. Multiple types of rights in mining areas can be understood in conjunction with multiple regional and global power dynamics. While discourses differ in repre- senting the overlapping and conflicting “rights” claims of indi- viduals and communities (Figure 2), the right to be protected from negative mining impacts evidently has a murky link to the “right” to benefit directly from local resources as well as the right to pursue livelihoods, to access public services and to self-govern and manage ancestral resources. Whose rights count the most, and what does it ultimately mean to “promote rights”?Scholarship on indigenous rights has increasingly empha- sized ambiguities regarding procedural aspects of “self-deter- mination” and substantive aspects of distributional justice, producing starkly divergent opinions from international activ- ists who converge under the banner of an indigenous people’s rights movement (Castree, 2004; Oldham & Frank, 2008).


















Figure 2. Simplified schematic of intersecting rights concerns (community and individual rights).

With murky global commitments to “rights” in mind, the next section thus re-thinks how UN efforts to address local mining rights exposed further political ambiguities at the Galangan site. Given past problems with technocratic visions of rights, how should international agencies be more responsive to nuance in mining communities? Below I highlight how a UN project sought to address rights concerns in ways that pro- duced highly ambiguous results, revealing why donor efforts are so riddled with complexity.
The case relates to my participation with other development practitioners and stakeholders involved in the UN Global Mercury Project, which began in 2005 to promote the formal- ization of small-scale miners’ resource rights as a prerequisite for improving small-scale mining technologies, adapting and broadening its initially pollution-focused mandate (Spiegel & Veiga, 2005). As noted earlier, government officials’ unyielding views about illegality were preventing UN health and techno- logical trainers from educating people about hazardous risks in North Sulawesi, and the Central Kalimantan location thus took on an added sense of importance as this was the one opportunity to collaborate, through what one NGO worker optimistically termed “constructive engagement.” At the start of the UN intervention process, it was found that there was no district regulation introduced by governments for either the Talawaan or Galangan regions to provide a framework for developing small-scale mining and environmental manage- ment (only central government laws—Mining Law No. 11 of 1967—seemed to apply initially). Some stakeholder discus- sions led to advocacies suggesting the need for a national con- stitutional reform to recognize indigenous mining rights; but despite some arguments 15 for this, the UN project team did not pursue this advocacy. Rather, engaging the Katingan Dis- trict Government to address the Galangan region, new licens- ing regulations were proposed by the UN program and adopted by the district government in 2006. The regulations created a licensing system for small-scale miners with the view that licensing would ensure more environmentally responsible management and legitimate labor rights. Key parts of the 2006 regulation include:

“(1) The area that a people’s mining permit given to an individual may cover a maximum of 5 (five) hectares. (2) A cooperative may be pro- vided with a people’s mining permit covering an area of a maximum of 25 (twenty five) hectares. (3) An individual that has already had a peo- ple’s mining permit is no longer allowed to have another permit unless his or her previous permit has expired [or is no longer effective]. (4) A peo- ple’s mining area shall be situated on land, at least 200 meters away from the bank of a river.” 16
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
Pergeseran penekanan PERATURAN: DARI mengutuk ILEGALITAS UNTUK MEMAJUKAN HAK
? DI KABUPATEN TINGKAT Dalam edisi sebelumnya Pembangunan Dunia, Casson dan Obid- zinski (2002) memperingatkan bahwa wacana sederhana tentang "kriminalitas" menyakiti e ff orts untuk mengelola penebangan dan membalikkan penggundulan hutan pola, sedangkan Li (2002) memperingatkan delusi bahwa lembaga donor 'tentang hak-hak dan sumber daya berbasis masyarakat mandat pengelolaan cenderung mengaburkan kekhawatiran tentang distribusi sumber daya yang adil dan hak. Kasus skala kecil min ing di Kalimantan Tengah menunjukkan perlunya hati-hati heed- ing memperingatkan ini lagi. Beberapa jenis hak dalam bidang pertambangan dapat dipahami dalam hubungannya dengan beberapa dinamika kekuatan regional dan global. Sementara wacana di ff er di-wakil senting tumpang tindih dan saling bertentangan "hak" klaim individu-dan masyarakat (Gambar 2)-individu, hak untuk dilindungi dari dampak pertambangan negatif jelas memiliki link keruh ke "kanan" memperoleh manfaat langsung dari lokal sumber daya serta hak untuk mengejar mata pencaharian, untuk mengakses layanan publik dan diri mengatur dan mengelola sumber daya leluhur. Yang hak-haknya menghitung besar, dan apa akhirnya berarti "mempromosikan hak-hak"? Beasiswa tentang hak-hak masyarakat adat memiliki ambiguitas berukuran semakin menekankan tentang aspek prosedural "self-mencegah- mination" dan aspek substantif keadilan distribusi, menghasilkan pendapat starkly berbeda dari para aktivis internasional yang berkumpul di bawah bendera gerakan hak-hak masyarakat adat yang (Castree, 2004; Oldham & Frank, 2008). Gambar 2. Simpli fi kasi skema kekhawatiran memotong hak (masyarakat dan hak-hak individu). Dengan komitmen global keruh untuk " hak "dalam pikiran, bagian berikutnya sehingga kembali berpikir bagaimana PBB e ff orts untuk mengatasi kuasa pertambangan lokal terkena ambiguitas lebih politis di situs Galangan. Mengingat masalah masa lalu dengan visi teknokratik hak, bagaimana lembaga internasional harus lebih responsif terhadap nuansa dalam komunitas pertambangan? Di bawah ini saya menyoroti bagaimana sebuah proyek PBB berusaha untuk mengatasi masalah hak dengan cara yang pro- diproduksi hasil yang sangat ambigu, mengungkapkan mengapa donor e ff orts begitu penuh dengan kompleksitas. Kasus ini berkaitan dengan keikutsertaan saya dengan praktisi pembangunan lain dan pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat dalam UN Global Mercury Proyek, yang dimulai pada tahun 2005 untuk mempromosikan isasi formal- hak sumber daya skala kecil penambang sebagai prasyarat untuk meningkatkan teknologi pertambangan skala kecil, beradaptasi dan memperluas mandatnya awalnya polusi fokus (Spiegel & Veiga, 2005). Seperti disebutkan sebelumnya, pandangan pantang menyerah pemerintah o FFI pejabat 'tentang ilegalitas yang mencegah kesehatan PBB dan techno pelatih logis dari mendidik orang tentang risiko berbahaya di Sulawesi Utara, dan lokasi Kalimantan Tengah sehingga mengambil rasa tambahan penting karena ini adalah satu-satunya kesempatan untuk berkolaborasi, melalui apa seorang pekerja LSM optimis disebut "keterlibatan konstruktif." Pada awal proses intervensi PBB, ditemukan bahwa tidak ada peraturan daerah yang diperkenalkan oleh pemerintah untuk baik Talawaan atau Galangan daerah untuk menyediakan kerangka kerja untuk mengembangkan kecil pertambangan skala dan pengelolaan lingkungan (pemerintah pusat hanya hukum-Pertambangan UU No. 11 Tahun 1967-tampaknya berlaku pada awalnya). Beberapa pemangku kepentingan diskusi-diskusi menyebabkan advokasi menyarankan perlunya reformasi konstitusional nasional untuk mengakui hak-hak masyarakat adat pertambangan; tetapi meskipun beberapa argumen 15 untuk ini, tim proyek PBB tidak mengejar advokasi ini. Sebaliknya, melibatkan trict Pemerintah Katingan Dis- untuk mengatasi wilayah Galangan, peraturan ing baru perizinan yang diajukan oleh program PBB dan diadopsi oleh pemerintah kabupaten pada tahun 2006. Peraturan menciptakan sistem lisensi untuk penambang skala kecil dengan pandangan bahwa lisensi akan memastikan lebih ramah lingkungan manajemen yang bertanggung jawab dan hak-hak buruh yang sah. Bagian penting dari peraturan tahun 2006 meliputi: "(1) Daerah yang izin pertambangan rakyat yang diberikan kepada seorang individu dapat mencakup maksimal 5 (lima) hektare. (2) Koperasi dapat disediakan secara dengan izin pertambangan rakyat seluas maksimal 25 (dua puluh lima) hektar. (3) Seorang individu yang telah memiliki ijin tambang umat ini tidak lagi diizinkan untuk memiliki izin lain kecuali izin nya sebelumnya telah kedaluwarsa [atau tidak lagi e ff efektif]. (4) A orang- wilayah pertambangan ple yang akan terletak di atas tanah, setidaknya 200 meter dari tepi sungai. "16



























Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
 
Bahasa lainnya
Dukungan alat penerjemahan: Afrikans, Albania, Amhara, Arab, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bahasa Indonesia, Basque, Belanda, Belarussia, Bengali, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Burma, Cebuano, Ceko, Chichewa, China, Cina Tradisional, Denmark, Deteksi bahasa, Esperanto, Estonia, Farsi, Finlandia, Frisia, Gaelig, Gaelik Skotlandia, Galisia, Georgia, Gujarati, Hausa, Hawaii, Hindi, Hmong, Ibrani, Igbo, Inggris, Islan, Italia, Jawa, Jepang, Jerman, Kannada, Katala, Kazak, Khmer, Kinyarwanda, Kirghiz, Klingon, Korea, Korsika, Kreol Haiti, Kroat, Kurdi, Laos, Latin, Latvia, Lituania, Luksemburg, Magyar, Makedonia, Malagasi, Malayalam, Malta, Maori, Marathi, Melayu, Mongol, Nepal, Norsk, Odia (Oriya), Pashto, Polandia, Portugis, Prancis, Punjabi, Rumania, Rusia, Samoa, Serb, Sesotho, Shona, Sindhi, Sinhala, Slovakia, Slovenia, Somali, Spanyol, Sunda, Swahili, Swensk, Tagalog, Tajik, Tamil, Tatar, Telugu, Thai, Turki, Turkmen, Ukraina, Urdu, Uyghur, Uzbek, Vietnam, Wales, Xhosa, Yiddi, Yoruba, Yunani, Zulu, Bahasa terjemahan.

Copyright ©2024 I Love Translation. All reserved.

E-mail: