In the plot of Figure 3.1, the countries are grouped around a diagonal terjemahan - In the plot of Figure 3.1, the countries are grouped around a diagonal Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

In the plot of Figure 3.1, the coun

In the plot of Figure 3.1, the countries are grouped around a diagonal from lower left to upper right, reflecting the correlation between power distance and collectivism. In cultures in which people are dependent on in groups, these people are smally also dependent on power figures. Most extended families have patriarchal structures with the head of the family exercising strong moral authority In cultures in which people are relatively independent from in- groups, they are usually also less dependent on powerful others.
There are exceptions, however. The Latin European countries-in particular, France and Belgium-conbined medium power distances with strong individualism. The French sociologist Michel Crozier has described his country's culture as follows:
Face-to-face dependence relationships are... Perceived dificult to bear in the French cultural setting net the prevailing tieo of authority is still that of absolutism. The two attitudes are contradictory. However, they can be reconciled tetthrn a bureaucratic system rince impersonal rules and centralization make it possible to reconcile an absolutist conception of authority and the elimination of most direct dependence relationships.
Crozier's compatriot Philippe d'Iribarne, in his comparative study of a French, a USA, and a Dutch organization, describes the French principle of organizing as"the rationale of honor(la logique de l'honneur). This principle, which d'Iribarne finds already present in the French kingdom of the eighteenth century A,D, prior to Napoleon, means that everybody has a rank(large power distance) but that theimplications of belonging to one's rank are less imposed by one's group than determined by tradition. It is"not so much what one owes to others as what one owes to oneself. We could call it a stratified form of individualism.
The reverse pattern, small power distance combined with medium col- lectivism, was found in Austria and Israel, and fairly small power distance is combined with strong collectivism in Costa Rica, Costa Rica, one of the seven Central American republics, is widely recognized as an exception to the Latin American rule ofdependence on powerful leaders, which in Span- ish is called personalismo. It does not have a formal army It has been described as Latin America's most firmly rooted democracy" in spite of its relative povehty as compared to the industrial market economies of the world. In a comparison between Costa Rica and its larger but much poorer neighbor Nicaragua, US, development expert Lawrence E. Harrison has written:
[T]here is ample evidence that Costa Ricans have falt a stronger bond to their countrymen than have Nicaraguans That bond is reflected in Costa Rica's long-standing emphasis on public education and public health, in its more vigorous cooperative movement, in a judicial system notable by Latin American standards for its impartiality and adherence to fundamental concepts of due process, and above all in the resilience of its politics, its capacity to find peaceful solutions, in appreciation of the need for compromise.
Cases like France and Costa Rica justify treating power distance and collectivism as two separate dimensions in spite of the fact that for most countries they go together. One reason for the correlation between these dimensions is that both are associated with a third factor economic development. if economic development is held constant(that is rich are compared to rich ones only and poor to poor ones) the relationship almost disappears."
Comparisons between the results of the IBM and other studies support the distinction between power distance and collectivism. Studies dealing with inequality show results that are more correlated with power distance and studies dealing with the inte- individualism-collectivism, than with gration of individuals into groups show results more correlated with col lectivism than with power distance.

Individualism and Collectivism According to occupation

One more argument in favor of distinguishing power distance from collectivism is that while, as Chapter 2 showed, power distance indices could be computed not only for countries but also for occupations, individualism indices can only be calculated for countries, not for occupations. a com- parison of how people in different occupations answered the fourteen work goal questions from which the IDV was computed, their answers could not be classified in terms ofindividualist or collectivist In distinguishing occu- pations, for example, the importance of challenge and of use of skills go countries they are opposites Across occu- together, while in distinguishing pations when personal time is rated more important, challenge tends to be less important, while across countries the two reinforce each other."
A pair of terms that can be used to distinguish occupations is intrinsic versus ertrinsic These words refer to what motivates people in a job: the work itself(intrinsically motivating jobs) or the conditions was poprewards provided (extrinsically motivating jobs). This distinction was proularized in the late 1950s through the research on work motivation by the

U.S., psychologist Frederick Herzberg and his team, who argued that the intrinsic factors are the real motivators while the extrinsic ones represent the psychological ygiene of the job." People in occupations demand- ing more education tend to score intrinsic elements as more important occupations prefer extrinsic lower-education while people in lower-status, elements. The intrinsic extrinsic distinction, while useful for distinguishing occupation cultures, in its turn is not suitable for comparing countries.
Individualism and collectivism in the Family
In the beginning of this chapter, individualism was associated with a nuclear family structure and collectivistn with an extended family structure, the latter leading to the distinction between in-groups and out groups The relationship between the individual and the group, like other basic elements of human culture, is first learned in the family setting The fact that Japan scores about halfway in Table 3.1(with a rank of 33-35 and an IDW of 46) can at least be partly understood from the fact that in the tra- ditionalJapanese family, only the oldest son continued to live with his parents, thus creating a lineal structure somewhere in between nuclear and extended.
The child who grows up among a number of elders, peers, and juniors learns naturally to conceive of him- or herself as part of a"we," much more so than does the nuclear family child. A child of an extended family is sel- dom alone, whether during the day or at night. An African student who came to Belgium for a university study told us that this was the first time in her life she had ever been alone in a room for any sizable length of time. Conversely, northern European students returning from internships in Peru or Malaysia complained that they were never left alone by their hosts.

In a situation of intense and continuous social contact, the mainte- nance of harmony with one's social environment becomes a key virtue that extends to other spheres beyond the family In most collectivist cultures, direct confrontation of another person is considered rude and undesirable The word no is seldom used, because saying"no" is a confrontation, you may be right or we will think about are examples of polite ways of turning down a request. In the same vein, the word yeu should not neces- sarily be seen as an approval, but as maintenance of the line of communi- cation; yes, I heard you is the meaning it has in Japan.

In individualist cultures, on the other hand, speaking one's mind is a virtue. Telling the truth about how one feels is a characteristicof a sincereand honest person. Confrontation can be salutary, a clash of opinions is believed to lead to a higher truth.The effect of communications on other people should be taken into account, but it does not as a rule justify changing the facts. Adult individuals should be able to take direct feedback constructively In the family, children are told one should always tell the truth, even if it hurts. Coping with conflict is a normal part ofliving together as a family.

A former Dutch missionary in Indonesia(a country with an IDV of 14 and a rank of 68-69) told about his parishioners' unexpected exegesis of the following parable from the Biblen "A man had two sons. He went to the first and said"Son, go and work in the vineyard today' he replied I will go, sir, but he did not go The man went to the second and said the same to him. He replied"I will not, but afterwards he changed his mind and did go. Which of the two did the will of the father? "The biblical answer is that the last did, but the missionary's Indonesian parishioners chose the first, for this son observed the formal harmony and did not contradict his father. Whether he actually went was of secondary importance.

In the collectivist family, children learn to take their bearings from others when it comes to opinions. Personal opinions do not exist-they are predetermined by the group if a new issue comes up on which there is no established group opinion, some kind of family conference is necessary before an opinion can be given. A child who repeatedly voices opinions deviating from what is collectively felt is considered to have a bad character in the individualist family, on the contrary, children are expected and encouraged to develop opinions of their own, and a child who always only reflects the opinions of others is considered to have a weak character. The behavior corresponding with a desirable character depends on the cultural environment.

The loyalty to the group that is an essential element of the collectivist family also means that resources are shared If one member of an extended of twenty persons has a paid job and the others do not, the earning member is supposed to share his or her income in order to help feed the cover
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Di dalam plot gambar 3.1, negara-negara dikelompokkan di sekitar diagonal dari sudut kanan atas, mencerminkan korelasi antara kekuatan jarak dan kolektivisme. Dalam budaya di mana orang-orang tergantung pada kelompok, orang-orang ini smally juga tergantung pada kekuatan angka. Kebanyakan keluarga memiliki patriarkal struktur dengan kepala keluarga berolahraga otoritas moral yang kuat dalam budaya di mana orang-orang relatif independen dari dalam kelompok, mereka biasanya juga kurang bergantung pada kuat lain.Namun ada pengecualian. Latin Eropa negara-khususnya, jarak menengah daya Prancis dan Belgia-conbined dengan kuat individualisme. Sosiolog Perancis Michel Crozier budaya negaranya telah digambarkan sebagai berikut: Hubungan ketergantungan tatap muka yang... Dirasakan dificult untuk menanggung dalam suasana budaya Perancis bersih tieo berlaku otoritas adalah masih absolutisme. Dua sikap bertentangan. Namun, mereka dapat didamaikan tetthrn birokrasi rince sistem impersonal aturan dan sentralisasi membuatnya mungkin untuk mendamaikan absolutis konsepsi otoritas dan penghapusan langsung hubungan ketergantungan.Crozier's compatriot Philippe d'Iribarne, in his comparative study of a French, a USA, and a Dutch organization, describes the French principle of organizing as"the rationale of honor(la logique de l'honneur). This principle, which d'Iribarne finds already present in the French kingdom of the eighteenth century A,D, prior to Napoleon, means that everybody has a rank(large power distance) but that theimplications of belonging to one's rank are less imposed by one's group than determined by tradition. It is"not so much what one owes to others as what one owes to oneself. We could call it a stratified form of individualism. The reverse pattern, small power distance combined with medium col- lectivism, was found in Austria and Israel, and fairly small power distance is combined with strong collectivism in Costa Rica, Costa Rica, one of the seven Central American republics, is widely recognized as an exception to the Latin American rule ofdependence on powerful leaders, which in Span- ish is called personalismo. It does not have a formal army It has been described as Latin America's most firmly rooted democracy" in spite of its relative povehty as compared to the industrial market economies of the world. In a comparison between Costa Rica and its larger but much poorer neighbor Nicaragua, US, development expert Lawrence E. Harrison has written: [T]here is ample evidence that Costa Ricans have falt a stronger bond to their countrymen than have Nicaraguans That bond is reflected in Costa Rica's long-standing emphasis on public education and public health, in its more vigorous cooperative movement, in a judicial system notable by Latin American standards for its impartiality and adherence to fundamental concepts of due process, and above all in the resilience of its politics, its capacity to find peaceful solutions, in appreciation of the need for compromise. Cases like France and Costa Rica justify treating power distance and collectivism as two separate dimensions in spite of the fact that for most countries they go together. One reason for the correlation between these dimensions is that both are associated with a third factor economic development. if economic development is held constant(that is rich are compared to rich ones only and poor to poor ones) the relationship almost disappears." Comparisons between the results of the IBM and other studies support the distinction between power distance and collectivism. Studies dealing with inequality show results that are more correlated with power distance and studies dealing with the inte- individualism-collectivism, than with gration of individuals into groups show results more correlated with col lectivism than with power distance.Individualism and Collectivism According to occupation One more argument in favor of distinguishing power distance from collectivism is that while, as Chapter 2 showed, power distance indices could be computed not only for countries but also for occupations, individualism indices can only be calculated for countries, not for occupations. a com- parison of how people in different occupations answered the fourteen work goal questions from which the IDV was computed, their answers could not be classified in terms ofindividualist or collectivist In distinguishing occu- pations, for example, the importance of challenge and of use of skills go countries they are opposites Across occu- together, while in distinguishing pations when personal time is rated more important, challenge tends to be less important, while across countries the two reinforce each other." A pair of terms that can be used to distinguish occupations is intrinsic versus ertrinsic These words refer to what motivates people in a job: the work itself(intrinsically motivating jobs) or the conditions was poprewards provided (extrinsically motivating jobs). This distinction was proularized in the late 1950s through the research on work motivation by theAS, psikolog Frederick Herzberg dan tim-nya, yang berpendapat bahwa faktor intrinsik adalah motivator nyata sementara ekstrinsik yang mewakili ygiene psikologis pekerjaan." Orang-orang dalam pekerjaan permintaan-ing pendidikan yang lebih tinggi cenderung Skor unsur-unsur intrinsik karena lebih penting pekerjaan lebih memilih rendah-pendidikan ekstrinsik sementara orang-orang di bawah-status, unsur-unsur. Perbedaan ekstrinsik intrinsik, sementara berguna untuk membedakan budaya pendudukan, pada gilirannya ini tidak cocok untuk membandingkan negara.Individualisme dan kolektivisme dalam keluarga Pada awal bab ini, individualisme dikaitkan dengan struktur keluarga inti dan collectivistn dengan struktur keluarga, kedua mengarah ke perbedaan antara in-groups dan kelompok hubungan antara individu dan kelompok, seperti elemen dasar lain dari budaya manusia, pertama kali belajar dalam keluarga menetapkan fakta bahwa nilai Jepang setengah di Tabel 3.1 (dengan pangkat 33-35 dan buku dari 46) dapat setidaknya sebagian dipahami dari fakta bahwa dalam keluarga tra-ditionalJapanese, hanya Putra tertua terus tinggal bersama orang tuanya, sehingga menciptakan sebuah struktur lineal di suatu tempat di antara nuklir dan diperpanjang.The child who grows up among a number of elders, peers, and juniors learns naturally to conceive of him- or herself as part of a"we," much more so than does the nuclear family child. A child of an extended family is sel- dom alone, whether during the day or at night. An African student who came to Belgium for a university study told us that this was the first time in her life she had ever been alone in a room for any sizable length of time. Conversely, northern European students returning from internships in Peru or Malaysia complained that they were never left alone by their hosts. In a situation of intense and continuous social contact, the mainte- nance of harmony with one's social environment becomes a key virtue that extends to other spheres beyond the family In most collectivist cultures, direct confrontation of another person is considered rude and undesirable The word no is seldom used, because saying"no" is a confrontation, you may be right or we will think about are examples of polite ways of turning down a request. In the same vein, the word yeu should not neces- sarily be seen as an approval, but as maintenance of the line of communi- cation; yes, I heard you is the meaning it has in Japan. In individualist cultures, on the other hand, speaking one's mind is a virtue. Telling the truth about how one feels is a characteristicof a sincereand honest person. Confrontation can be salutary, a clash of opinions is believed to lead to a higher truth.The effect of communications on other people should be taken into account, but it does not as a rule justify changing the facts. Adult individuals should be able to take direct feedback constructively In the family, children are told one should always tell the truth, even if it hurts. Coping with conflict is a normal part ofliving together as a family. A former Dutch missionary in Indonesia(a country with an IDV of 14 and a rank of 68-69) told about his parishioners' unexpected exegesis of the following parable from the Biblen "A man had two sons. He went to the first and said"Son, go and work in the vineyard today' he replied I will go, sir, but he did not go The man went to the second and said the same to him. He replied"I will not, but afterwards he changed his mind and did go. Which of the two did the will of the father? "The biblical answer is that the last did, but the missionary's Indonesian parishioners chose the first, for this son observed the formal harmony and did not contradict his father. Whether he actually went was of secondary importance.In the collectivist family, children learn to take their bearings from others when it comes to opinions. Personal opinions do not exist-they are predetermined by the group if a new issue comes up on which there is no established group opinion, some kind of family conference is necessary before an opinion can be given. A child who repeatedly voices opinions deviating from what is collectively felt is considered to have a bad character in the individualist family, on the contrary, children are expected and encouraged to develop opinions of their own, and a child who always only reflects the opinions of others is considered to have a weak character. The behavior corresponding with a desirable character depends on the cultural environment. The loyalty to the group that is an essential element of the collectivist family also means that resources are shared If one member of an extended of twenty persons has a paid job and the others do not, the earning member is supposed to share his or her income in order to help feed the cover
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