AUDIENCE CHOICE AND INITIATIVEIn its early years, uses and gratificati terjemahan - AUDIENCE CHOICE AND INITIATIVEIn its early years, uses and gratificati Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

AUDIENCE CHOICE AND INITIATIVEIn it

AUDIENCE CHOICE AND INITIATIVE
In its early years, uses and gratifications emerged from a shift in the focus of media researchers from the classical effects question “what do media do to people?” to a different query, “what do people do with media?” (Katz, 1959, p.2). Katz argued that even powerful media usually cannot influence people who have no use for these media or their messages because “people’s values, their interests, their associations, their social roles, are pre-potent” and “people selectively ‘fashion’ what they see and hear to these interests” (p 3).
Closely following this argument, Klapper (1960) questioned the validity of mechanistic approaches to studying media effects and offered a phenomenistic view of mass communication. He proposed that several elements—including individual predispositions, selective perception, and interpersonal dissemination of messages—intervene between message and response so that media messages intended to persuade usually reinforce people’s attitudes and behavior. Klapper stated two important points. First, the media, alone, are usually not necessary or sufficient causes of effects. Second, a medium might be an important source, but it is only one source of influence in our environment. Three years later, Klapper (1963) endorsed uses and gratifications for studying media effects. In addition, Bauer (1963) argued that we should consider the audience’s initiative in “getting the information it wants and avoiding what it does not want” (p. 7).
According to uses and gratifications, media are sources of influence working within a context of other possible influences. Media audiences are largely purposive, motivated, goal-directed, and variably active communicators who take the initiative when communicating. People select and use communication vehicles to satisfy their felt needs or desires. Social and psychological factors generate expectations and desires about communication settings, partners, and media, and are important factors to address in the process. These individual differences filter behavior and socially and psychologically constrain mediated communication. We need to understand motives and individual differences to explain media effects.
Uses and gratifications emphasizes individual choice. People choose among available communication or functional alternatives. They make their choices based on their wants, interests, and expectations. These choices affect the process and outcomes of communication (Katz et al., l974 Rubin, 2002). To understand communication processes and outcomes, we need to understand people’s background, motives, and involvement (Rosengren, 1974). In particular, people are variably motivated and involved when they communicate.

RESEARCH PROCRESSION
The roots of uses-and-gratifications research lie in the 1940s. The early research formulated typologies of motives rather than explaining media processes or effects. These typologies include the appeal of radio programs and newspapers. For example, Lazarsfeld (1940) considered the appeals of radio programs. Herzog (1940) suggested that four types of appeals motivated listeners of a radio quiz program: competition, education, self-rating, and sporting. Herzog (1944) also suggested that women sought distinct gratifications when listening to radio daytime serials: emotional release, wishful thinking, and seeking advice. When examining why people missed a newspaper during a strike, Berelson (1949) identified five motives for reading newspapers: to be informed about and to interpret public affairs, as a tool for daily living, for relief and escape from personal problems, for social prestige, and to feel connected to people in the news. In addition, Lasswell (1948) suggested media are functional for people and societies because they perform discrete activities: surveillance of the environment, correlation of pans of that environment, and transmission of our heritage. Later, Wright (1960) added entertainment as a fourth media activity. The research of this era preceded more conceptual descriptions of media use identified in subsequent studies and writings.
Later, for instance, McQuail, Blumler, and Brown (1972) suggested people watch television for four reasons: diversion (e.g., escaping problems, relaxing, releasing emotions, filling time); personal relationships (e.g., seeking companionship, social empathy, and social utility when talking with others); personal identity (e.g., reinforcing valves, self-understanding, exploring reality); and surveillance (e.g., learning, seeking advice, finding information). Similarly, Katz, Gurevitch, and Haas (1973) argued that people take the initiative for using the media to satisfy their cognitive needs (e.g., knowledge and understanding), affective needs (e.g., pleasure and emotion), social integrative needs (e.g., contact with family and friends), and tension-release needs (e.g., escape and disconnecting from others). From this foundation, Katz et al. (1974) synthesized the uses-and-gratifications approach, emphasizing an active audience, the initiative of motivated audience members in linking media choice and need gratification, and media competing with other functional alternatives for selection and use.
Over the years, uses-and-gratifications researchers have pursued a variety of tasks (Rubin, 2002). They have established typologies of media motives and linked these motives with people’s attitudes such as affinity and perceived reality and behaviors. They have compared people’s motives for using various media. They have examined people’s psychological and social circumstances such as personality, lifestyle, and life position when using the media. They have analyzed links between gratifications sought and obtained when using media such as television. They have assessed how individual differences, motives, media orientations, and exposure affect outcomes such as learning, cultivation, and parasocial interaction. They have considered the measurement of motives and gratifications. Moreover, they have extended uses-and-gratifications study to myriad of emerging communication technologies, including videocassette recorders, remote controls, personal computers, and the Internet. Researchers have accentuated the validity of emphasizing the role of individual initiative in selecting media and messages as communication alternatives have evolved and expanded.
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PILIHAN PEMIRSA DAN INISIATIFDi awal tahun, penggunaan dan pemenuhan kepuasan muncul dari pergeseran fokus dari peneliti media dari efek klasik pertanyaan "apa media lakukan kepada orang-orang?" untuk mengajukan berbagai pertanyaan, "apa yang harus orang lakukan dengan media?" (Katz, 1959, p.2). Katz berpendapat bahwa media bahkan kuat biasanya tidak dapat mempengaruhi orang-orang yang memiliki tidak digunakan untuk media ini atau pesan mereka karena "orang nilai, kepentingan mereka, mereka Asosiasi, mereka peran sosial, pra-kuat" dan "orang selektif ' fashion' apa yang mereka lihat dan dengar untuk kepentingan ini" (p 3).Erat mengikuti argumen ini, Klapper (1960) mempertanyakan validitas pendekatan mekanistik untuk mempelajari efek media dan menawarkan pemandangan phenomenistic komunikasi massa. Ia mengusulkan bahwa beberapa elemen — termasuk individu kecenderungan, persepsi selektif dan interpersonal penyebaran pesan — campur tangan antara pesan dan respon sehingga media pesan dimaksudkan untuk membujuk biasanya memperkuat sikap dan perilaku masyarakat. Klapper menyatakan dua hal penting. Pertama, media, sendirian, yang biasanya tidak diperlukan atau cukup penyebab efek. Kedua, medianya mungkin adalah sumber penting, tetapi hanya satu sumber pengaruh di lingkungan kita. Tiga tahun kemudian, Klapper (1963) mendukung penggunaan dan pemenuhan kepuasan untuk mempelajari efek media. Selain itu, Bauer (1963) berpendapat bahwa kita harus mempertimbangkan inisiatif penonton "mendapatkan informasi yang diinginkan dan menghindari apa itu tidak ingin" (ms. 7).According to uses and gratifications, media are sources of influence working within a context of other possible influences. Media audiences are largely purposive, motivated, goal-directed, and variably active communicators who take the initiative when communicating. People select and use communication vehicles to satisfy their felt needs or desires. Social and psychological factors generate expectations and desires about communication settings, partners, and media, and are important factors to address in the process. These individual differences filter behavior and socially and psychologically constrain mediated communication. We need to understand motives and individual differences to explain media effects.Uses and gratifications emphasizes individual choice. People choose among available communication or functional alternatives. They make their choices based on their wants, interests, and expectations. These choices affect the process and outcomes of communication (Katz et al., l974 Rubin, 2002). To understand communication processes and outcomes, we need to understand people’s background, motives, and involvement (Rosengren, 1974). In particular, people are variably motivated and involved when they communicate.RESEARCH PROCRESSIONThe roots of uses-and-gratifications research lie in the 1940s. The early research formulated typologies of motives rather than explaining media processes or effects. These typologies include the appeal of radio programs and newspapers. For example, Lazarsfeld (1940) considered the appeals of radio programs. Herzog (1940) suggested that four types of appeals motivated listeners of a radio quiz program: competition, education, self-rating, and sporting. Herzog (1944) also suggested that women sought distinct gratifications when listening to radio daytime serials: emotional release, wishful thinking, and seeking advice. When examining why people missed a newspaper during a strike, Berelson (1949) identified five motives for reading newspapers: to be informed about and to interpret public affairs, as a tool for daily living, for relief and escape from personal problems, for social prestige, and to feel connected to people in the news. In addition, Lasswell (1948) suggested media are functional for people and societies because they perform discrete activities: surveillance of the environment, correlation of pans of that environment, and transmission of our heritage. Later, Wright (1960) added entertainment as a fourth media activity. The research of this era preceded more conceptual descriptions of media use identified in subsequent studies and writings.Kemudian, misalnya, McQuail, Blumler, dan Brown (1972) menyarankan orang-orang menonton televisi selama empat alasan: pengalihan (misalnya, masalah melarikan diri, bersantai, melepaskan emosi, mengisi waktu); hubungan pribadi (misalnya, mencari persahabatan, empati sosial dan sosial utilitas ketika berbicara dengan orang lain); identitas pribadi (misalnya, memperkuat katup, pemahaman diri, menjelajahi realitas); dan pengawasan (misalnya, belajar, mencari nasihat, mencari informasi). Demikian pula, Katz, Gurevitch dan Haas (1973) berpendapat bahwa orang-orang mengambil inisiatif untuk menggunakan media untuk memuaskan kebutuhan kognitif (misalnya, pengetahuan dan pemahaman) mereka, kebutuhan afektif (misalnya, kesenangan dan emosi), sosial Integratif kebutuhan (misalnya, kontak dengan keluarga dan teman), dan ketegangan-rilis kebutuhan (misalnya, melarikan diri dan memutuskan sambungan dari orang lain). Dari Yayasan ini, Katz et al. (1974) disintesis pendekatan menggunakan-dan-pemenuhan kepuasan, menekankan penonton aktif, inisiatif dari penonton termotivasi dalam menghubungkan media pilihan dan kebutuhan kepuasan dan media yang bersaing dengan alternatif lainnya fungsional untuk seleksi dan penggunaan.Over the years, uses-and-gratifications researchers have pursued a variety of tasks (Rubin, 2002). They have established typologies of media motives and linked these motives with people’s attitudes such as affinity and perceived reality and behaviors. They have compared people’s motives for using various media. They have examined people’s psychological and social circumstances such as personality, lifestyle, and life position when using the media. They have analyzed links between gratifications sought and obtained when using media such as television. They have assessed how individual differences, motives, media orientations, and exposure affect outcomes such as learning, cultivation, and parasocial interaction. They have considered the measurement of motives and gratifications. Moreover, they have extended uses-and-gratifications study to myriad of emerging communication technologies, including videocassette recorders, remote controls, personal computers, and the Internet. Researchers have accentuated the validity of emphasizing the role of individual initiative in selecting media and messages as communication alternatives have evolved and expanded.
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AUDIENCE CHOICE AND INITIATIVE
In its early years, uses and gratifications emerged from a shift in the focus of media researchers from the classical effects question “what do media do to people?” to a different query, “what do people do with media?” (Katz, 1959, p.2). Katz argued that even powerful media usually cannot influence people who have no use for these media or their messages because “people’s values, their interests, their associations, their social roles, are pre-potent” and “people selectively ‘fashion’ what they see and hear to these interests” (p 3).
Closely following this argument, Klapper (1960) questioned the validity of mechanistic approaches to studying media effects and offered a phenomenistic view of mass communication. He proposed that several elements—including individual predispositions, selective perception, and interpersonal dissemination of messages—intervene between message and response so that media messages intended to persuade usually reinforce people’s attitudes and behavior. Klapper stated two important points. First, the media, alone, are usually not necessary or sufficient causes of effects. Second, a medium might be an important source, but it is only one source of influence in our environment. Three years later, Klapper (1963) endorsed uses and gratifications for studying media effects. In addition, Bauer (1963) argued that we should consider the audience’s initiative in “getting the information it wants and avoiding what it does not want” (p. 7).
According to uses and gratifications, media are sources of influence working within a context of other possible influences. Media audiences are largely purposive, motivated, goal-directed, and variably active communicators who take the initiative when communicating. People select and use communication vehicles to satisfy their felt needs or desires. Social and psychological factors generate expectations and desires about communication settings, partners, and media, and are important factors to address in the process. These individual differences filter behavior and socially and psychologically constrain mediated communication. We need to understand motives and individual differences to explain media effects.
Uses and gratifications emphasizes individual choice. People choose among available communication or functional alternatives. They make their choices based on their wants, interests, and expectations. These choices affect the process and outcomes of communication (Katz et al., l974 Rubin, 2002). To understand communication processes and outcomes, we need to understand people’s background, motives, and involvement (Rosengren, 1974). In particular, people are variably motivated and involved when they communicate.

RESEARCH PROCRESSION
The roots of uses-and-gratifications research lie in the 1940s. The early research formulated typologies of motives rather than explaining media processes or effects. These typologies include the appeal of radio programs and newspapers. For example, Lazarsfeld (1940) considered the appeals of radio programs. Herzog (1940) suggested that four types of appeals motivated listeners of a radio quiz program: competition, education, self-rating, and sporting. Herzog (1944) also suggested that women sought distinct gratifications when listening to radio daytime serials: emotional release, wishful thinking, and seeking advice. When examining why people missed a newspaper during a strike, Berelson (1949) identified five motives for reading newspapers: to be informed about and to interpret public affairs, as a tool for daily living, for relief and escape from personal problems, for social prestige, and to feel connected to people in the news. In addition, Lasswell (1948) suggested media are functional for people and societies because they perform discrete activities: surveillance of the environment, correlation of pans of that environment, and transmission of our heritage. Later, Wright (1960) added entertainment as a fourth media activity. The research of this era preceded more conceptual descriptions of media use identified in subsequent studies and writings.
Later, for instance, McQuail, Blumler, and Brown (1972) suggested people watch television for four reasons: diversion (e.g., escaping problems, relaxing, releasing emotions, filling time); personal relationships (e.g., seeking companionship, social empathy, and social utility when talking with others); personal identity (e.g., reinforcing valves, self-understanding, exploring reality); and surveillance (e.g., learning, seeking advice, finding information). Similarly, Katz, Gurevitch, and Haas (1973) argued that people take the initiative for using the media to satisfy their cognitive needs (e.g., knowledge and understanding), affective needs (e.g., pleasure and emotion), social integrative needs (e.g., contact with family and friends), and tension-release needs (e.g., escape and disconnecting from others). From this foundation, Katz et al. (1974) synthesized the uses-and-gratifications approach, emphasizing an active audience, the initiative of motivated audience members in linking media choice and need gratification, and media competing with other functional alternatives for selection and use.
Over the years, uses-and-gratifications researchers have pursued a variety of tasks (Rubin, 2002). They have established typologies of media motives and linked these motives with people’s attitudes such as affinity and perceived reality and behaviors. They have compared people’s motives for using various media. They have examined people’s psychological and social circumstances such as personality, lifestyle, and life position when using the media. They have analyzed links between gratifications sought and obtained when using media such as television. They have assessed how individual differences, motives, media orientations, and exposure affect outcomes such as learning, cultivation, and parasocial interaction. They have considered the measurement of motives and gratifications. Moreover, they have extended uses-and-gratifications study to myriad of emerging communication technologies, including videocassette recorders, remote controls, personal computers, and the Internet. Researchers have accentuated the validity of emphasizing the role of individual initiative in selecting media and messages as communication alternatives have evolved and expanded.
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