The tradeable water rights system in Chile has both advantages and lim terjemahan - The tradeable water rights system in Chile has both advantages and lim Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

The tradeable water rights system i

The tradeable water rights system in Chile has both advantages and limitations. On the positive side, growing water scarcity is accommodated through demand management (conservation, improved
efficiency, and higher prices) rather than through rationing or the expansion of the water supply with consequent environmental impacts. Water users receive a price signal indicating the true opportunity cost of water and are thereby made to undertake conservation measures. Water flows from low-value to high-value use with a consequent significant reduction in over-irrigation, a major cause of waterlogging and salinization.
On the negative side, unregulated water markets may fail to internalize externalities such as minimum flow requirements, water quality changes, return flows, and watershed protection which requires integrated watershed/river basin management. To deal with these externalities, a number of proposals are being considered including: (a) charges for new water rights; (b) a five year limitation or an annual charge for unused water rights (varying according to regional water scarcities); (c) guarantee of an ecological minimum water flow by the DGA; and (d) the establishment of watershed management corporations to resolve intersectoral water use conflicts, water quality management, and watershed protection, all of which are expected to be self-financing through water charges. Chile also applies the principles of marginal cost pricing and full-cost recovery (including a return to inverted capital) in the provision of water supply and sewage collection in urban areas. “The tariffs are based on the marginal cost of additional supply if new investments are necessary and on the marginal cost of the optimized, entire system, based on replacement costs if the existing capacity is sufficient for the foreseeable demand” (Hartje et.al., 1994). The tariffs are divided into fixed charges (for connection) and variable charges based on the volume of water consumed and wastewater collected.
The full-cost recovery system is implemented gradually over a four year period and is expected to reach its full targeted level in 1994. Tariffs vary by region depending on the marginal costs of supply in each region: while in Santiago the tariff is US $0.32 per m 3 in the south it is twice as high and in the north, four times as high. To cushion the impact on low-income consumers and reduce the repressivity of tariff charges, the government has introduced a personal subsidy system targeted at about a quarter of the users (those with the lowest incomes) at a cost equal to about 2.5% of the total revenues of the water utilities.
Controlling Industrial Effluents: The Malaysian Effluent Charge System
As far back as 20 years ago, the Malaysian Environmental Quality Act of 1974 included provisions for using economic incentives and disincentives in the form of effluent charges in support, rather than replacement, of regulatory controls on discharges. The act requires that all dischargers pay a fee to obtain a license to discharge waste into public water bodies. Because the license fee varies with the level of waste discharged, it is effectively a discharge fee (Knesch, 1991). The fee varies according to one or more of the following factors: (a) the class of the premises; (b) the location of such premises; (c) the quantity of wastes discharged; (d) the pollutant or class of pollutants discharged; and (e) the existing level of pollution.
In 1977, the discharge fees provided by the Act were combined with discharge standards into an
incentive-supported regulatory regime for controlling pollution from palm oil mills. The first discharge fees were collected in 1978. With the standards becoming more stringent over time and the discharge fees becoming larger with the quantity of waste discharged, the results were dramatic. Despite a 50% increase in the number of palm oil mills between 1978 and 1982 and a steady increase in palm oil production, the total biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) load released in public water bodies dropped steadily from 222 tons per day in 1978 to 58 tons in 1980, 19 tons in 1982, and 5 tons in 1984 (Ong et al., 1987, quoted in Knesch, 1991). According to Ong et al. (1987): “The charging of high effluent-related fees as well as granting incentives by way of waiver of fees for research had the effect of expediting the pace of research, and notable successes have been achieved in palm oil mill effluent treatment technology. Malaysia can justly claim credit for having developed its own technology to treat palm oil waste and protect its environment.” (p.39)
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Sistem tradeable hak air di Chili memiliki manfaat dan keterbatasan. Di sisi positif, tumbuh kelangkaan air ditampung melalui manajemen permintaan (konservasi, ditingkatkanefisiensi, dan harga yang lebih tinggi) daripada melalui penjatahan atau perluasan pasokan air dengan dampak lingkungan yang konsekuen. Air pengguna menerima sinyal harga yang menunjukkan biaya kesempatan sejati air dan dengan demikian dibuat untuk melakukan langkah-langkah konservasi. Air mengalir dari nilai rendah bernilai tinggi untuk digunakan dengan pengurangan yang signifikan konsekuen dalam over irigasi, penyebab utama waterlogging dan salinization.Di sisi negatif, air tidak diatur pasar mungkin gagal untuk menginternalisasi eksternalitas seperti persyaratan minimum aliran, perubahan kualitas air, kembali mengalir, dan perlindungan Das yang memerlukan terpadu Das/river basin manajemen. Untuk mengatasi ini eksternalitas, beberapa proposal sedang dipertimbangkan termasuk: (a) biaya untuk hak-hak air baru; (b) pembatasan lima tahun atau biaya untuk hak-hak air tidak terpakai (bervariasi menurut daerah air scarcities); (c) menjamin aliran ekologi air minimal oleh tetap; dan (d) pembentukan Das manajemen perusahaan untuk menyelesaikan intersektoral air menggunakan konflik, pengelolaan kualitas air, dan perlindungan Das, yang diharapkan menjadi swadana melalui biaya air. Chili juga berlaku prinsip-prinsip marjinal biaya harga dan biaya penuh pemulihan (termasuk kembali ke ibukota terbalik) dalam penyediaan air bersih dan limbah koleksi di daerah perkotaan. "Tarif yang didasarkan pada biaya marjinal dari pasokan tambahan jika investasi baru diperlukan dan biaya marjinal dioptimalkan, seluruh sistem, didasarkan pada biaya penggantian jika kapasitas yang ada cukup untuk permintaan masa" (Hartje et.al., 1994). TARIF dibagi menjadi biaya tetap (untuk koneksi) dan biaya variabel berdasarkan volume air yang dikonsumsi dan limbah yang dikumpulkan.Sistem pemulihan penuh biaya dilaksanakan secara bertahap selama empat tahun dan diharapkan mencapai tingkat bertarget penuh pada tahun 1994. TARIF bervariasi menurut wilayah tergantung pada biaya marjinal pasokan di setiap daerah: sementara di Santiago tarif adalah US $0,32 per m 3 di Selatan itu adalah dua kali lebih tinggi dan di sebelah utara, empat kali lebih tinggi. Bantal dampak pada konsumen yang berpendapatan rendah dan mengurangi repressivity biaya tarif, pemerintah telah memperkenalkan sebuah sistem subsidi pribadi yang ditargetkan pada sekitar seperempat dari pengguna (mereka dengan pendapatan terendah) biaya setara dengan sekitar 2,5% dari total penerimaan utilitas air.Pengendalian limbah industri: Sistem biaya limbah Malaysia Sejauh kembali sebagai 20 tahun lalu, UU kualitas lingkungan Malaysia 1974 termasuk ketentuan untuk menggunakan ekonomi insentif dan dis-insentif dalam bentuk limbah biaya dukungan, daripada pengganti, peraturan kontrol pada pelepasan. Undang-undang mengharuskan bahwa semua dischargers membayar biaya untuk mendapatkan lisensi untuk pembuangan limbah ke badan air umum. Karena biaya lisensi bervariasi dengan tingkat limbah dibuang, sangat efektif biaya debit (Knesch, 1991). Biaya bervariasi sesuai dengan satu atau lebih dari faktor-faktor berikut: (a) kelas lokal; (b) lokasi lokal seperti; (c) jumlah limbah yang dibuang; (d) polutan atau kelas polutan dibuang; dan (e) tingkat polusi.Pada tahun 1977, biaya debit disediakan oleh undang-undang digabungkan dengan standar pembuangan kedidukung insentif rezim peraturan untuk mengendalikan polusi dari minyak kelapa sawit. Biaya debit yang pertama dikumpulkan pada tahun 1978. Dengan standar menjadi lebih ketat atas waktu dan biaya debit menjadi lebih besar dengan jumlah limbah dibuang, hasil yang dramatis. Meskipun peningkatan 50% jumlah minyak kelapa sawit antara 1978 dan 1982 dan meningkatnya produksi minyak sawit, beban total kebutuhan oksigen biologis (Direksi) dirilis pada badan air umum turun terus dari 222 ton per hari pada tahun 1978-58 ton pada tahun 1980, 19 ton pada tahun 1982, dan 5 ton pada tahun 1984 (Ong et al.1987, dikutip dalam Knesch, 1991). Menurut Ong et al. (1987): "pengisian biaya tinggi yang berkaitan dengan limbah serta pemberian insentif dengan pembebasan biaya penelitian mempunyai efek yang mempercepat laju penelitian, dan keberhasilan penting telah dicapai dalam teknologi pengolahan limbah pabrik kelapa sawit. Malaysia dapat adil mengklaim kredit untuk memiliki dikembangkan teknologi sendiri untuk memperlakukan sawit limbah dan melindungi lingkungan." (hal.39)
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The tradeable water rights system in Chile has both advantages and limitations. On the positive side, growing water scarcity is accommodated through demand management (conservation, improved
efficiency, and higher prices) rather than through rationing or the expansion of the water supply with consequent environmental impacts. Water users receive a price signal indicating the true opportunity cost of water and are thereby made to undertake conservation measures. Water flows from low-value to high-value use with a consequent significant reduction in over-irrigation, a major cause of waterlogging and salinization.
On the negative side, unregulated water markets may fail to internalize externalities such as minimum flow requirements, water quality changes, return flows, and watershed protection which requires integrated watershed/river basin management. To deal with these externalities, a number of proposals are being considered including: (a) charges for new water rights; (b) a five year limitation or an annual charge for unused water rights (varying according to regional water scarcities); (c) guarantee of an ecological minimum water flow by the DGA; and (d) the establishment of watershed management corporations to resolve intersectoral water use conflicts, water quality management, and watershed protection, all of which are expected to be self-financing through water charges. Chile also applies the principles of marginal cost pricing and full-cost recovery (including a return to inverted capital) in the provision of water supply and sewage collection in urban areas. “The tariffs are based on the marginal cost of additional supply if new investments are necessary and on the marginal cost of the optimized, entire system, based on replacement costs if the existing capacity is sufficient for the foreseeable demand” (Hartje et.al., 1994). The tariffs are divided into fixed charges (for connection) and variable charges based on the volume of water consumed and wastewater collected.
The full-cost recovery system is implemented gradually over a four year period and is expected to reach its full targeted level in 1994. Tariffs vary by region depending on the marginal costs of supply in each region: while in Santiago the tariff is US $0.32 per m 3 in the south it is twice as high and in the north, four times as high. To cushion the impact on low-income consumers and reduce the repressivity of tariff charges, the government has introduced a personal subsidy system targeted at about a quarter of the users (those with the lowest incomes) at a cost equal to about 2.5% of the total revenues of the water utilities.
Controlling Industrial Effluents: The Malaysian Effluent Charge System
As far back as 20 years ago, the Malaysian Environmental Quality Act of 1974 included provisions for using economic incentives and disincentives in the form of effluent charges in support, rather than replacement, of regulatory controls on discharges. The act requires that all dischargers pay a fee to obtain a license to discharge waste into public water bodies. Because the license fee varies with the level of waste discharged, it is effectively a discharge fee (Knesch, 1991). The fee varies according to one or more of the following factors: (a) the class of the premises; (b) the location of such premises; (c) the quantity of wastes discharged; (d) the pollutant or class of pollutants discharged; and (e) the existing level of pollution.
In 1977, the discharge fees provided by the Act were combined with discharge standards into an
incentive-supported regulatory regime for controlling pollution from palm oil mills. The first discharge fees were collected in 1978. With the standards becoming more stringent over time and the discharge fees becoming larger with the quantity of waste discharged, the results were dramatic. Despite a 50% increase in the number of palm oil mills between 1978 and 1982 and a steady increase in palm oil production, the total biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) load released in public water bodies dropped steadily from 222 tons per day in 1978 to 58 tons in 1980, 19 tons in 1982, and 5 tons in 1984 (Ong et al., 1987, quoted in Knesch, 1991). According to Ong et al. (1987): “The charging of high effluent-related fees as well as granting incentives by way of waiver of fees for research had the effect of expediting the pace of research, and notable successes have been achieved in palm oil mill effluent treatment technology. Malaysia can justly claim credit for having developed its own technology to treat palm oil waste and protect its environment.” (p.39)
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