It was not only export crops whose

It was not only export crops whose prices collapsed. Collapse of the export
economy and hence of the purchasing power of those drawing incomes from it led in
turn to the collapse of domestic demand for many peasant products. Prices of coconuts, cassava and maize for example declined even more than those of rice
(Sumitro Djojohadikusumo 1952: 22). In Yogyakarta, the local price of coconuts
dropped more than any other peasant crop, from a pre-crisis average of f. 4, - to 5, -
per hundred to a low of only f. 1,50 to 2, - in 1932. In parts of Kulon Progo and
Adikarto, with little sawah and relatively high dependence on pekarangan products
and particularly coconuts, these declining prices meant ‘a significant loss of incomes’
(Van Gesseler Verschuir 1939: 80).


The differential impacts of a deflationary crisis
My new journalistic acquaintance [a reporter on the local Dutch-language newspaper] gave
me a harrowing account of the effect of the sugar slump on the population of Djokjakarta. The
Javanese peasants lived mainly from employment in the sugar factories and from the rent of
their land to the European sugar-growers. Now in many districts they were starving.
(Bruce Lockhart 1936: 297)9
The influence of the crisis years on native agriculture, although clearly noticeable everywhere,
still has not led to calamities anywhere in the Governorate of Jogjakarta, thanks to the
incredible adaptability of the native peasant. (Bijleveld 1939: 206)
Pak Wishnoe Wardhana Surjodiningrat [interviewed by O’Malley in 1975, BW] recalls
seeing, as a very young boy, his father10 breaking down and weeping, after returning from his
official tours, at the thought of the misery he had just witnessed among the peasantry.
(O'Malley 1977: 344)

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

It was not only export crops whose prices collapsed. Collapse of the exporteconomy and hence of the purchasing power of those drawing incomes from it led inturn to the collapse of domestic demand for many peasant products. Prices of coconuts, cassava and maize for example declined even more than those of rice(Sumitro Djojohadikusumo 1952: 22). In Yogyakarta, the local price of coconutsdropped more than any other peasant crop, from a pre-crisis average of f. 4, - to 5, -per hundred to a low of only f. 1,50 to 2, - in 1932. In parts of Kulon Progo andAdikarto, with little sawah and relatively high dependence on pekarangan productsand particularly coconuts, these declining prices meant ‘a significant loss of incomes’(Van Gesseler Verschuir 1939: 80).The differential impacts of a deflationary crisisMy new journalistic acquaintance [a reporter on the local Dutch-language newspaper] gaveme a harrowing account of the effect of the sugar slump on the population of Djokjakarta. TheJavanese peasants lived mainly from employment in the sugar factories and from the rent oftheir land to the European sugar-growers. Now in many districts they were starving.(Bruce Lockhart 1936: 297)9The influence of the crisis years on native agriculture, although clearly noticeable everywhere,still has not led to calamities anywhere in the Governorate of Jogjakarta, thanks to theincredible adaptability of the native peasant. (Bijleveld 1939: 206)Ingat Pak Wishnoe Wardhana Surjodiningrat [diwawancarai oleh O'Malley pada tahun 1975, BW]melihat, sebagai seorang anak yang sangat muda, ia melanggar father10 turun dan menangis, setelah kembali dari nyaresmi tours, memikirkan penderitaan ia baru saja menyaksikan kalangan kaum tani.(O'Malley 1977:344)