LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS F

LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS FOR AGGRESSION PRIMING
While numerous studies have supported both of these models of aggression, they have their limitations. First, several studies have failed to find the predicted effects of exposure to aggression on indirect measures of aggression, such as the accessibility of aggressive concepts. Recall that the second state of the GAAM predicts that exposure to aggression-related stimuli should increase the accessibility of violence-related concepts, which in turn will influence primary appraisals. To investigate this, Roskos-Ewoldsen, Eno, Okdie, Guadano, and DeCoster (2008) had two participants play a violent video game (Halo) simultaneously. Participants engaged in a direct competition condition in which they killed each other, an indirect competition condition in which they played separately with the goal of getting farther through the game than their opponent, a cooperative play condition in which they worked together against the aliens, or a no play control condition. After playing the game (or not), participants completed a lexical decision task (i.e., “Is a string of letters a word or not?”). For those targets that were words, people should make lexical decisions regarding a concept faster when the concept has been primed by a related, compared with an unrelated, concept. Across the four conditions, the accessibility of aggression-related targets was expected to be highest for the killing condition, with decreasing accessibility for the other conditions. Contrary to the predictions of the GAAM, however, there were no differences across the conditions in RTs for primed, aggression-related target words. There was enough power to detect a difference, so this null result suggests that the accessibility of the concepts may not be the mechanism by which this type of priming occurs. Bluemke and Zumbach (2007) provide another example that contradicts: the predictions of the GAAM. Clearly, more research that tests the early stages of the GAAM is needed.
A second limitation of the models and their accompanying research is that they do not address variables that may influence the types of thoughts and behaviors that result from media priming. Violent portrayals in the media can evoke many different emotional responses beyond aggression, one being fear. In fact, regular TV programming, such as the local news or crime dramas that take place in a nearby city, elicit fear responses. Likewise, extensive research on cultivation theory has demonstrated that one of the long-term consequences of exposure to extensive violence in the media is fear {Roskos-Ewoldsen, Davies, & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2004). These findings lead to several questions, such as, What are the circumstances under which aggression on TV primes fear? How do these circumstances prime the different responses? What other responses may be primed by aggression on TV? More research is required to address these questions.
A third limitation of the research in this area is the inadequate study of moderators of the priming effects of violent TV programming. Several possible moderators exist, such as genre of the TV program. For example, sitcoms that contain a lot of verbal aggression do not prime aggression (Chory-Assad & Tamborini, 2004). Other moderators of violence priming include personality variables, like trait aggressiveness (Josephson, 1987; Roskos-Ewoidsen et al., 2007). Recent research suggests that, at least for the early stages of the GAAM, people low in trait aggression may show stronger priming effects (i.e., greater increases in the accessibility of aggressive thoughts) than people higher in trait aggression (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2007). This finding probably reflects the impoverished aggression- related cognitive networks that characterize people who are lower in trait aggression (Bushman, 1996), as impoverished networks are more susceptible to priming effects of aggression-related thoughts and actions (Bartholow, Anderson, Carnagey, & Benjamin, 2005). However, the increased accessibility of aggression-related thoughts in low trait aggression people may not translate into aggressive behavior because they may inhibit their aggressive tendencies during the secondary appraisal stage of the GAAM. Conversely, people high in trait aggression may not show substantial changes in the accessibility of aggression-related thoughts, but the increase may be enough to put them over the threshold for behaving aggressively. Another personality trait—agreeableness— also appears to moderate the priming effects of violence: People who are high in agreeableness are less likely to show priming effects than people who are low in agreeableness (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2006). Again, more research is needed in this area.

 Political Coverage and Presidential Evaluations
Another major line of research is political priming. Political priming focuses on the idea that the issues that the media are covering influence the information that people use to judge the president (lyengar & Kinder, 1987). When judging how well the president is doing his or her job, people have a lot of different pieces of information they can use to make that judgment. For example, they could use the president’s performance on the economy, civil rights, international affairs, or how well he or she dresses. The idea behind political priming is that the media doesn’t influence what you think, but rather what information you use to make your judgments. Specifically, if the media are focusing primarily on international affairs, international affairs are made salient, and people will use their impressions of how well the president is doing in international affairs to judge how well he or she is doing overall. However, if the media are focusing on domestic affairs, domestic issues are made salient and people will use their impressions of how well the president is doing on domestic issues to judge how well the president is doing overall. During President George H. W. Bush’s presidency (1988—1992), the media focused on the Gulf War and its success, and President Bush enjoyed very high approval ratings. Indeed, many political pundits did not think the Democratic Party would be able to field a candidate who could beat President Bush in 1992. However, after the Gulf War, the media turned its attention away from the Middle East and focused on domestic issues, and people started using their negative evaluations of President Bush’s handling of domestic affairs to judge his overall performance. Consequently, President Bush’s job performance ratings plummeted, despite the fact that people still thought he did a good job of handling international affairs (Iyengar & Simon, 1993).

MODELS OF POLITICAL PRIMING
Early theorizing on political priming used the availability heuristic to explain the effects of media coverage on political priming (Iyengar & Simon, 1993). According to this explanation, media coverage of an issue influences which exemplars are accessed from memory when people make judgments of the president. However, the availability explanation has not been well developed or subjected to empirical tests within the political priming domain.
Only one model of political priming has been developed sufficiently to explain the political priming results (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). Similar to Berkowitz’s (1984) neoassociationistic model, Price and Tewksbury’s (1997) model of political priming is based on network models of memory and the role the media play in increasing the accessibility of information from memory. As discussed earlier, network models maintain that both chronic and temporary accessibility of concepts influence their likelihood of activation. In addition, Price and Tewksbury incorporate the notion of applicability of information into their model. Applicability refers to deliberate judgments of the relevance of information to the current situation. Clearly, if primed information is not relevant, it will not be used when making political judgments. Within Price and Tewksbury’s model, concepts that are activated by the media and judged as applicable to the current situation influence how the message is perceived or interpreted. On the other hand, those concepts that are activated by the media and judged as not applicable do not influence how the message is perceived.
Miller and Krosnick (2000) rigorously tested the accessibility component of political priming by manipulating media exposure to current issues (e.g., drugs and immigration). They gathered measures of participants’ beliefs about the most important problems in the nation and approval of the current president’s performance, and they found the basic priming effect. Participants who were exposed to the media coverage weighed those issues more heavily when judging the president’s performance than those not exposed to the media coverage. To test whether the accessibility of these issues mediated this relationship, accessibility toward the issues was measured via RT. Contrary to expectations, however, those participants who were quicker at the reaction time task did not weigh the accessible information more heavily than those who were slower. Thus, the researchers concluded that network models of spreading activation, which rely on the accessibility of concepts, could not be the direct cause of political priming. Rather, the researchers argued that when the concepts that are highly accessible are activated, the activation causes a second, deliberative process. However, Miller and Krosnick (2001) incorrectly interpret the role of deliberative processing as meaning that accessibility was not an important component of the political priming effect. Recent research op automaticity has demonstrated that automatic processing can lead to deliberative processing (Roskos-Ewoldsen, 1997; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Bischel, Hill, & Hoffman, 2002; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Yu, & Rhodes, 2004).

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

KETERBATASAN DAN ARAH MASA DEPAN UNTUK PRIMING AGRESIWhile numerous studies have supported both of these models of aggression, they have their limitations. First, several studies have failed to find the predicted effects of exposure to aggression on indirect measures of aggression, such as the accessibility of aggressive concepts. Recall that the second state of the GAAM predicts that exposure to aggression-related stimuli should increase the accessibility of violence-related concepts, which in turn will influence primary appraisals. To investigate this, Roskos-Ewoldsen, Eno, Okdie, Guadano, and DeCoster (2008) had two participants play a violent video game (Halo) simultaneously. Participants engaged in a direct competition condition in which they killed each other, an indirect competition condition in which they played separately with the goal of getting farther through the game than their opponent, a cooperative play condition in which they worked together against the aliens, or a no play control condition. After playing the game (or not), participants completed a lexical decision task (i.e., “Is a string of letters a word or not?”). For those targets that were words, people should make lexical decisions regarding a concept faster when the concept has been primed by a related, compared with an unrelated, concept. Across the four conditions, the accessibility of aggression-related targets was expected to be highest for the killing condition, with decreasing accessibility for the other conditions. Contrary to the predictions of the GAAM, however, there were no differences across the conditions in RTs for primed, aggression-related target words. There was enough power to detect a difference, so this null result suggests that the accessibility of the concepts may not be the mechanism by which this type of priming occurs. Bluemke and Zumbach (2007) provide another example that contradicts: the predictions of the GAAM. Clearly, more research that tests the early stages of the GAAM is needed.A second limitation of the models and their accompanying research is that they do not address variables that may influence the types of thoughts and behaviors that result from media priming. Violent portrayals in the media can evoke many different emotional responses beyond aggression, one being fear. In fact, regular TV programming, such as the local news or crime dramas that take place in a nearby city, elicit fear responses. Likewise, extensive research on cultivation theory has demonstrated that one of the long-term consequences of exposure to extensive violence in the media is fear {Roskos-Ewoldsen, Davies, & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2004). These findings lead to several questions, such as, What are the circumstances under which aggression on TV primes fear? How do these circumstances prime the different responses? What other responses may be primed by aggression on TV? More research is required to address these questions.A third limitation of the research in this area is the inadequate study of moderators of the priming effects of violent TV programming. Several possible moderators exist, such as genre of the TV program. For example, sitcoms that contain a lot of verbal aggression do not prime aggression (Chory-Assad & Tamborini, 2004). Other moderators of violence priming include personality variables, like trait aggressiveness (Josephson, 1987; Roskos-Ewoidsen et al., 2007). Recent research suggests that, at least for the early stages of the GAAM, people low in trait aggression may show stronger priming effects (i.e., greater increases in the accessibility of aggressive thoughts) than people higher in trait aggression (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2007). This finding probably reflects the impoverished aggression- related cognitive networks that characterize people who are lower in trait aggression (Bushman, 1996), as impoverished networks are more susceptible to priming effects of aggression-related thoughts and actions (Bartholow, Anderson, Carnagey, & Benjamin, 2005). However, the increased accessibility of aggression-related thoughts in low trait aggression people may not translate into aggressive behavior because they may inhibit their aggressive tendencies during the secondary appraisal stage of the GAAM. Conversely, people high in trait aggression may not show substantial changes in the accessibility of aggression-related thoughts, but the increase may be enough to put them over the threshold for behaving aggressively. Another personality trait—agreeableness— also appears to moderate the priming effects of violence: People who are high in agreeableness are less likely to show priming effects than people who are low in agreeableness (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2006). Again, more research is needed in this area. Political Coverage and Presidential EvaluationsAnother major line of research is political priming. Political priming focuses on the idea that the issues that the media are covering influence the information that people use to judge the president (lyengar & Kinder, 1987). When judging how well the president is doing his or her job, people have a lot of different pieces of information they can use to make that judgment. For example, they could use the president’s performance on the economy, civil rights, international affairs, or how well he or she dresses. The idea behind political priming is that the media doesn’t influence what you think, but rather what information you use to make your judgments. Specifically, if the media are focusing primarily on international affairs, international affairs are made salient, and people will use their impressions of how well the president is doing in international affairs to judge how well he or she is doing overall. However, if the media are focusing on domestic affairs, domestic issues are made salient and people will use their impressions of how well the president is doing on domestic issues to judge how well the president is doing overall. During President George H. W. Bush’s presidency (1988—1992), the media focused on the Gulf War and its success, and President Bush enjoyed very high approval ratings. Indeed, many political pundits did not think the Democratic Party would be able to field a candidate who could beat President Bush in 1992. However, after the Gulf War, the media turned its attention away from the Middle East and focused on domestic issues, and people started using their negative evaluations of President Bush’s handling of domestic affairs to judge his overall performance. Consequently, President Bush’s job performance ratings plummeted, despite the fact that people still thought he did a good job of handling international affairs (Iyengar & Simon, 1993).MODELS OF POLITICAL PRIMINGEarly theorizing on political priming used the availability heuristic to explain the effects of media coverage on political priming (Iyengar & Simon, 1993). According to this explanation, media coverage of an issue influences which exemplars are accessed from memory when people make judgments of the president. However, the availability explanation has not been well developed or subjected to empirical tests within the political priming domain.Only one model of political priming has been developed sufficiently to explain the political priming results (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). Similar to Berkowitz’s (1984) neoassociationistic model, Price and Tewksbury’s (1997) model of political priming is based on network models of memory and the role the media play in increasing the accessibility of information from memory. As discussed earlier, network models maintain that both chronic and temporary accessibility of concepts influence their likelihood of activation. In addition, Price and Tewksbury incorporate the notion of applicability of information into their model. Applicability refers to deliberate judgments of the relevance of information to the current situation. Clearly, if primed information is not relevant, it will not be used when making political judgments. Within Price and Tewksbury’s model, concepts that are activated by the media and judged as applicable to the current situation influence how the message is perceived or interpreted. On the other hand, those concepts that are activated by the media and judged as not applicable do not influence how the message is perceived.Miller and Krosnick (2000) rigorously tested the accessibility component of political priming by manipulating media exposure to current issues (e.g., drugs and immigration). They gathered measures of participants’ beliefs about the most important problems in the nation and approval of the current president’s performance, and they found the basic priming effect. Participants who were exposed to the media coverage weighed those issues more heavily when judging the president’s performance than those not exposed to the media coverage. To test whether the accessibility of these issues mediated this relationship, accessibility toward the issues was measured via RT. Contrary to expectations, however, those participants who were quicker at the reaction time task did not weigh the accessible information more heavily than those who were slower. Thus, the researchers concluded that network models of spreading activation, which rely on the accessibility of concepts, could not be the direct cause of political priming. Rather, the researchers argued that when the concepts that are highly accessible are activated, the activation causes a second, deliberative process. However, Miller and Krosnick (2001) incorrectly interpret the role of deliberative processing as meaning that accessibility was not an important component of the political priming effect. Recent research op automaticity has demonstrated that automatic processing can lead to deliberative processing (Roskos-Ewoldsen, 1997; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Bischel, Hill, & Hoffman, 2002; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Yu, & Rhodes, 2004).

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

BATASAN DAN ARAH KE DEPAN UNTUK AGRESI cat dasar
Sementara banyak penelitian telah mendukung kedua model tersebut agresi, mereka memiliki keterbatasan mereka. Pertama, beberapa studi telah gagal menemukan efek diprediksi paparan agresi pada tindakan tidak langsung agresi, seperti aksesibilitas konsep yang agresif. Ingat bahwa keadaan kedua GAAM memprediksi bahwa paparan terhadap rangsangan-agresi terkait harus meningkatkan aksesibilitas konsep yang berkaitan dengan kekerasan, yang pada gilirannya akan mempengaruhi penilaian utama. Untuk menyelidiki hal ini, Roskos-Ewoldsen, Eno, Okdie, Guadano, dan Decoster (2008) memiliki dua peserta memainkan video game kekerasan (Halo) secara bersamaan. Peserta yang terlibat dalam kondisi persaingan langsung di mana mereka saling bunuh, kondisi persaingan tidak langsung di mana mereka bermain secara terpisah dengan tujuan semakin jauh melalui permainan dari lawan mereka, kondisi koperasi bermain di mana mereka bekerja sama melawan alien, atau tidak ada kondisi kontrol bermain. Setelah bermain game (atau tidak), peserta menyelesaikan tugas keputusan leksikal (yaitu, "Apakah serangkaian huruf kata atau tidak?"). Bagi mereka target yang kata-kata, orang harus membuat keputusan leksikal mengenai konsep yang lebih cepat ketika konsep telah prima oleh terkait, dibandingkan dengan yang tidak berhubungan, konsep. Di empat kondisi, aksesibilitas target-agresi terkait diharapkan menjadi tertinggi untuk kondisi pembunuhan, dengan penurunan aksesibilitas untuk kondisi lain. Bertentangan dengan prediksi GAAM, namun, tidak ada perbedaan di kondisi di RT untuk prima,-agresi terkait kata-kata target. Ada kekuatan yang cukup untuk mendeteksi perbedaan, sehingga hasilnya nol ini menunjukkan bahwa aksesibilitas konsep mungkin tidak mekanisme yang jenis ini priming terjadi. Bluemke dan Zumbach (2007) memberikan contoh lain yang bertentangan: prediksi GAAM tersebut. Jelas, penelitian yang lebih yang menguji tahap awal GAAM yang dibutuhkan.
Keterbatasan kedua model dan penelitian yang menyertainya adalah bahwa mereka tidak menangani variabel yang dapat mempengaruhi jenis pikiran dan perilaku yang dihasilkan dari media priming. Penggambaran kekerasan di media dapat membangkitkan banyak tanggapan emosional yang berbeda di luar agresi, satu makhluk ketakutan. Bahkan, program TV biasa, seperti berita atau kejahatan drama lokal yang terjadi di kota terdekat, memperoleh respon rasa takut. Demikian juga, penelitian yang luas pada teori kultivasi telah menunjukkan bahwa salah satu konsekuensi jangka panjang dari paparan kekerasan yang luas di media adalah ketakutan {Roskos-Ewoldsen, Davies, & Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2004). Temuan ini menyebabkan beberapa pertanyaan, seperti, Apa keadaan di mana agresi di TV bilangan prima takut? Bagaimana keadaan ini perdana tanggapan yang berbeda? Apa tanggapan lain mungkin prima dengan agresi di TV? Penelitian lebih lanjut diperlukan untuk menjawab pertanyaan ini.
Keterbatasan ketiga dari penelitian di bidang ini adalah studi yang tidak memadai moderator efek priming program TV kekerasan. Beberapa moderator mungkin ada, seperti genre program TV. Sebagai contoh, komedi situasi yang mengandung banyak agresi verbal tidak agresi perdana (Chory-Assad & Tamborini, 2004). Moderator lain priming kekerasan termasuk variabel kepribadian, seperti agresivitas sifat (Josephson, 1987;. Roskos-Ewoidsen et al, 2007). Penelitian terbaru menunjukkan bahwa, setidaknya untuk tahap awal GAAM, orang-orang yang rendah dalam agresi sifat dapat menunjukkan efek yang lebih kuat priming (yaitu, peningkatan yang lebih besar dalam aksesibilitas pikiran agresif) dibandingkan orang yang lebih tinggi dalam agresi sifat (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski 2007). Temuan ini mungkin mencerminkan jaringan aggression- miskin terkait kognitif yang menjadi ciri orang-orang yang lebih rendah dalam agresi sifat (Bushman, 1996), sebagai jaringan miskin lebih rentan terhadap efek priming pikiran dan tindakan (Bartholow, Anderson, Carnagey-agresi terkait, & Benjamin, 2005). Namun, peningkatan aksesibilitas pikiran-agresi terkait pada orang agresi sifat rendah mungkin tidak diterjemahkan ke dalam perilaku agresif karena mereka dapat menghambat kecenderungan agresif mereka selama tahap penilaian sekunder GAAM tersebut. Sebaliknya, orang yang tinggi dalam agresi sifat mungkin tidak menunjukkan perubahan substansial dalam aksesibilitas pikiran-agresi terkait, tetapi peningkatan tersebut mungkin cukup untuk menempatkan mereka di atas ambang batas untuk berperilaku agresif. Lain kepribadian sifat-agreeableness- juga muncul untuk memoderasi efek priming kekerasan: Orang yang tinggi keramahan cenderung menunjukkan efek priming daripada orang-orang yang rendah keramahan (Meier, Robinson, & Wilkowski, 2006). Sekali lagi, penelitian lebih lanjut diperlukan di daerah ini.  Cakupan Politik dan Presiden Evaluasi garis besar lain dari penelitian ini adalah priming politik. Priming politik berfokus pada gagasan bahwa isu-isu bahwa media yang meliput pengaruh informasi yang digunakan orang untuk menilai presiden (lyengar & Kinder, 1987). Ketika menilai seberapa baik presiden melakukan pekerjaannya, orang memiliki banyak bagian yang berbeda dari informasi yang mereka dapat digunakan untuk membuat penilaian itu. Misalnya, mereka bisa menggunakan kinerja presiden pada ekonomi, hak-hak sipil, hubungan internasional, atau seberapa baik dia berpakaian. Ide di balik priming politik adalah bahwa media tidak mempengaruhi apa yang Anda pikirkan, melainkan informasi apa yang Anda gunakan untuk membuat penilaian Anda. Secara khusus, jika media yang berfokus terutama pada urusan internasional, hubungan internasional yang dibuat menonjol, dan orang-orang akan menggunakan kesan mereka tentang seberapa baik presiden melakukan dalam urusan internasional untuk menilai seberapa baik dia lakukan secara keseluruhan. Namun, jika media yang berfokus pada urusan dalam negeri, isu-isu domestik yang dibuat menonjol dan orang-orang akan menggunakan kesan mereka tentang seberapa baik presiden yang dilakukan pada isu-isu domestik untuk menilai seberapa baik presiden melakukan keseluruhan. Selama presiden Presiden George HW Bush (1988-1992), media terfokus pada Perang Teluk dan keberhasilannya, dan Presiden Bush menikmati peringkat persetujuan yang sangat tinggi. Memang, banyak pakar politik tidak berpikir Partai Demokrat akan mampu untuk mengajukan calon yang bisa mengalahkan Presiden Bush pada tahun 1992. Namun, setelah Perang Teluk, media mengalihkan perhatiannya dari Timur Tengah dan terfokus pada isu-isu domestik, dan orang mulai menggunakan evaluasi negatif penanganan Presiden Bush urusan dalam negeri untuk menilai kinerja secara keseluruhan. Akibatnya, peringkat prestasi kerja Presiden Bush anjlok, meskipun fakta bahwa orang-orang masih berpikir dia melakukan pekerjaan yang baik menangani urusan internasional (Iyengar & Simon, 1993). MODEL POLITIK Priming Dini berteori pada priming politik digunakan ketersediaan heuristik untuk menjelaskan efek liputan media pada priming politik (Iyengar & Simon, 1993). Menurut penjelasan ini, liputan media masalah pengaruh yang eksemplar diakses dari memori ketika orang membuat penilaian presiden. Namun, penjelasan ketersediaan belum dikembangkan dengan baik atau mengalami tes empiris dalam domain priming politik. Hanya satu model priming politik telah dikembangkan cukup untuk menjelaskan hasil priming politik (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). Mirip dengan Berkowitz (1984) Model neoassociationistic, Harga dan (1997) Model Tewksbury tentang priming politik didasarkan pada model jaringan memori dan peran media bermain dalam meningkatkan aksesibilitas informasi dari memori. Seperti telah dibahas sebelumnya, model jaringan mempertahankan bahwa kedua aksesibilitas kronis dan sementara konsep mempengaruhi kemungkinan mereka aktivasi. Selain itu, Harga dan Tewksbury menggabungkan gagasan penerapan informasi ke dalam model mereka. Penerapan mengacu pada disengaja penilaian relevansi informasi dengan situasi saat ini. Jelas, jika informasi yang prima tidak relevan, maka tidak akan digunakan ketika membuat keputusan politik. Dalam Harga dan Tewksbury itu Model, konsep yang diaktifkan oleh media dan dinilai sebagai berlaku untuk saat ini pengaruh situasi bagaimana pesan tersebut dirasakan atau ditafsirkan. Di sisi lain, konsep-konsep yang diaktifkan oleh media dan dinilai sebagai tidak berlaku tidak mempengaruhi bagaimana pesan tersebut dirasakan. Miller dan Krosnick (2000) diuji secara ketat komponen aksesibilitas priming politik dengan memanipulasi paparan media untuk isu-isu saat ini (misalnya , obat-obatan dan imigrasi). Mereka berkumpul ukuran keyakinan peserta tentang masalah yang paling penting dalam bangsa dan persetujuan kinerja presiden saat ini, dan mereka menemukan efek priming dasar. Peserta yang terkena liputan media ditimbang isu-isu yang lebih berat ketika menilai kinerja presiden daripada mereka yang tidak terpapar liputan media. Untuk menguji apakah aksesibilitas masalah ini dimediasi hubungan ini, aksesibilitas terhadap isu-isu diukur melalui RT. Bertentangan dengan harapan, namun para peserta yang lebih cepat pada tugas waktu reaksi tidak mempertimbangkan informasi yang dapat diakses lebih berat dibanding mereka yang lebih lambat. Dengan demikian, para peneliti menyimpulkan bahwa model jaringan aktivasi menyebar, yang mengandalkan aksesibilitas konsep, tidak bisa menjadi penyebab langsung priming politik. Sebaliknya, para peneliti berpendapat bahwa ketika konsep-konsep yang sangat mudah diakses diaktifkan, aktivasi menyebabkan kedua, proses musyawarah. Namun, Miller dan Krosnick (2001) salah menafsirkan peran pengolahan deliberatif sebagai berarti bahwa aksesibilitas itu bukan merupakan komponen penting dari efek priming politik. Baru-baru ini penelitian op automaticity telah menunjukkan bahwa pemrosesan otomatis dapat menyebabkan proses deliberatif (Roskos-Ewoldsen, 1997; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Bischel, Hill, dan Hoffman, 2002; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Yu, & Rhodes, 2004).