Financial and Fiscal ImplicationsWith the exception of subsidies, tax  terjemahan - Financial and Fiscal ImplicationsWith the exception of subsidies, tax  Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Financial and Fiscal ImplicationsWi

Financial and Fiscal Implications
With the exception of subsidies, tax credits, and financial incentives which are generally not favored by the economic-instruments approach to environmental management, all other economic instruments have positive financial and fiscal implications.5 Removal of distortionary subsidies (e.g., on fossil fuels, agrochemicals, water, etc.) would save substantial amounts of government revenue as well as generate additional taxes in the long-run through the enlargement of the tax base following the removal of the distortion. Environmental taxes, by virtue of being non-distortionary and corrective, generate additional government revenues at minimum cost. In fact, estimates by the Norwegian Statistical Office indicate that the costs of raising a tax dollar through conventional taxes is greater than one dollar (because of the distortion effect (e.g., disincentive for work) while the same dollar could be raised through environmental taxes at a cost of less than one dollar; in fact, at a negative cost (because of the correction effect). This corrective and revenue generating quality of environmental taxes contrasts sharply with the distortions, zero revenue (except from fines), and considerable expenditures associated with command and controls. There are, of course, issues as to whether the revenue from environmental taxes should be earmarked and used for environmental investments or go to the treasury to be used for general expenditure, or for the reduction of other taxes (e.g., income tax). This is an issue we address in the companion study on financing mechanisms. Revenue generated by user charges or full-cost pricing for wastewater treatment, road access, water use, or other public utilities are payments for services rendered and are retained by the utility for cost recovery.
On the other hand, tradeable emission permits, tradeable catch quotas, transferable development
quotas, fishing licenses, and other forms of market creation do not automatically generate revenue, unless they are auctioned by the issuing authority, in which case they can generate substantial amounts of revenue. When they are given free of charge, the issuing authority may introduce a capital gains tax on the price of the permit or quota (which is likely to appreciate over time because of rising demand for permits against a fixed supply) to finance the administrative costs of issuing, registering, and monitoring the permits. Administrative fees may similarly be imposed for issuance of land titles, water rights, and transferable development rights to defray costs. Capital gains from these rights may also be taxed to raise general budget revenues.
The financing advantage of economic instruments has long been recognized by environmental policy
makers in both developed and developing countries where pollution charges or property taxes are
more often levied as sources of revenue than as incentives for more environmentally sound behavior.
Hence, they tend to be set at a high enough level to generate the targeted expenditures (usually
required to finance the enforcement and monitoring of command and control regulations), but not high enough to induce a change in behavior.
Despite the favorable financial implications of economic instruments over the medium to long term, depending on the instrument, a short-term cash flow problem may be created by the effort to introduce economic instruments such as secure land titles, water rights, fishing licenses, and tradeable emission permits, etc. The financial deficit may arise from the fact that property rights acquire value, (and can be used as collateral for access to financial markets) after they are issued.
Since cadastral surveys, resolution of conflicting claims, and title issuance and registration take time (three to five years is not unusual), a cash flow problem is created for the issuing agency which assumes the cost without an immediate means of cost recovery. Given the severe scarcity of domestic financial resources in many developing countries, external financial assistance or borrowing are necessary for the implementation of certain instruments such as property rights. For example, Thailand in the 1980s received a $30 million loan from the World Bank, in conjunction with its structural adjustment program, specifically for the purpose of cadastral surveys, land registration, and titling.
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Financial and Fiscal ImplicationsWith the exception of subsidies, tax credits, and financial incentives which are generally not favored by the economic-instruments approach to environmental management, all other economic instruments have positive financial and fiscal implications.5 Removal of distortionary subsidies (e.g., on fossil fuels, agrochemicals, water, etc.) would save substantial amounts of government revenue as well as generate additional taxes in the long-run through the enlargement of the tax base following the removal of the distortion. Environmental taxes, by virtue of being non-distortionary and corrective, generate additional government revenues at minimum cost. In fact, estimates by the Norwegian Statistical Office indicate that the costs of raising a tax dollar through conventional taxes is greater than one dollar (because of the distortion effect (e.g., disincentive for work) while the same dollar could be raised through environmental taxes at a cost of less than one dollar; in fact, at a negative cost (because of the correction effect). This corrective and revenue generating quality of environmental taxes contrasts sharply with the distortions, zero revenue (except from fines), and considerable expenditures associated with command and controls. There are, of course, issues as to whether the revenue from environmental taxes should be earmarked and used for environmental investments or go to the treasury to be used for general expenditure, or for the reduction of other taxes (e.g., income tax). This is an issue we address in the companion study on financing mechanisms. Revenue generated by user charges or full-cost pricing for wastewater treatment, road access, water use, or other public utilities are payments for services rendered and are retained by the utility for cost recovery.On the other hand, tradeable emission permits, tradeable catch quotas, transferable developmentquotas, fishing licenses, and other forms of market creation do not automatically generate revenue, unless they are auctioned by the issuing authority, in which case they can generate substantial amounts of revenue. When they are given free of charge, the issuing authority may introduce a capital gains tax on the price of the permit or quota (which is likely to appreciate over time because of rising demand for permits against a fixed supply) to finance the administrative costs of issuing, registering, and monitoring the permits. Administrative fees may similarly be imposed for issuance of land titles, water rights, and transferable development rights to defray costs. Capital gains from these rights may also be taxed to raise general budget revenues.The financing advantage of economic instruments has long been recognized by environmental policymakers in both developed and developing countries where pollution charges or property taxes aremore often levied as sources of revenue than as incentives for more environmentally sound behavior.Hence, they tend to be set at a high enough level to generate the targeted expenditures (usuallyrequired to finance the enforcement and monitoring of command and control regulations), but not high enough to induce a change in behavior.Despite the favorable financial implications of economic instruments over the medium to long term, depending on the instrument, a short-term cash flow problem may be created by the effort to introduce economic instruments such as secure land titles, water rights, fishing licenses, and tradeable emission permits, etc. The financial deficit may arise from the fact that property rights acquire value, (and can be used as collateral for access to financial markets) after they are issued.Since cadastral surveys, resolution of conflicting claims, and title issuance and registration take time (three to five years is not unusual), a cash flow problem is created for the issuing agency which assumes the cost without an immediate means of cost recovery. Given the severe scarcity of domestic financial resources in many developing countries, external financial assistance or borrowing are necessary for the implementation of certain instruments such as property rights. For example, Thailand in the 1980s received a $30 million loan from the World Bank, in conjunction with its structural adjustment program, specifically for the purpose of cadastral surveys, land registration, and titling.
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Implikasi Keuangan dan Fiskal
Kecuali subsidi, kredit pajak, dan insentif keuangan yang umumnya tidak disukai oleh pendekatan ekonomi-instrumen untuk pengelolaan lingkungan, semua instrumen ekonomi lainnya memiliki positif keuangan dan fiskal Penghapusan implications.5 subsidi distorsi (misalnya, pada bahan bakar fosil, agrochemicals, air, dll) akan menghemat sejumlah besar pendapatan pemerintah serta menghasilkan pajak tambahan dalam jangka panjang melalui pembesaran basis pajak setelah penghapusan distorsi. Pajak lingkungan, berdasarkan menjadi non-distorsi dan korektif, memberikan tambahan penerimaan negara dengan biaya minimum. Bahkan, perkiraan oleh Kantor Statistik Norwegia menunjukkan bahwa biaya membesarkan dolar pajak melalui pajak konvensional lebih besar dari satu dolar (karena efek distorsi (misalnya, disinsentif untuk bekerja) sementara dolar yang sama bisa dinaikkan melalui pajak lingkungan di biaya kurang dari satu dolar,. pada kenyataannya, dengan biaya negatif (karena efek koreksi) ini menghasilkan kualitas korektif dan pendapatan dari pajak lingkungan kontras tajam dengan distorsi, nol pendapatan (kecuali dari denda), dan pengeluaran yang cukup besar terkait dengan perintah dan kontrol. Ada, tentu saja, masalah apakah pendapatan dari pajak lingkungan harus dialokasikan dan digunakan untuk investasi lingkungan atau pergi ke kas yang akan digunakan untuk pengeluaran umum, atau untuk pengurangan pajak lainnya (misalnya, pajak penghasilan). Ini adalah masalah kita bahas dalam studi pendamping pada mekanisme pendanaan. Pendapatan yang dihasilkan oleh pengguna biaya atau biaya penuh harga untuk pengolahan air limbah, akses jalan, penggunaan air, atau utilitas umum lainnya adalah pembayaran untuk layanan yang diberikan dan dipertahankan oleh utilitas untuk cost recovery.
Di sisi lain, izin diperdagangkan emisi, kuota tangkapan tradeable, pengembangan dipindahtangankan
kuota, lisensi memancing, dan bentuk-bentuk penciptaan pasar tidak secara otomatis menghasilkan pendapatan, kecuali mereka dilelang oleh otoritas penerbit, di mana kasus mereka dapat menghasilkan sejumlah besar pendapatan. Ketika mereka diberikan secara gratis, otoritas penerbit dapat memperkenalkan pajak capital gain pada harga izin atau kuota (yang kemungkinan akan menghargai dari waktu ke waktu karena meningkatnya permintaan untuk izin terhadap pasokan tetap) untuk membiayai biaya administrasi menerbitkan, mendaftar, dan pemantauan izin. Biaya administrasi mungkin sama dikenakan untuk penerbitan sertifikat tanah, hak air, dan hak pembangunan dialihkan untuk membiayai biaya. Capital gain dari hak-hak ini dapat juga dikenakan pajak untuk meningkatkan pendapatan anggaran umum.
Keuntungan pembiayaan instrumen ekonomi telah lama diakui oleh kebijakan lingkungan
pembuat di kedua negara maju dan berkembang di mana biaya polusi atau pajak properti yang
lebih sering dikenakan sebagai sumber pendapatan dari sebagai insentif untuk perilaku yang lebih ramah lingkungan.
Oleh karena itu, mereka cenderung ditetapkan pada tingkat yang cukup tinggi untuk menghasilkan pengeluaran yang ditargetkan (biasanya
diperlukan untuk membiayai pelaksanaan dan pemantauan komando dan kontrol peraturan), tetapi tidak cukup tinggi untuk mendorong perubahan di perilaku.
Meskipun implikasi keuangan yang menguntungkan instrumen ekonomi jangka menengah sampai jangka panjang, tergantung pada instrumen, masalah arus kas jangka pendek dapat dibuat dengan upaya untuk memperkenalkan instrumen ekonomi seperti sertifikat tanah aman, hak atas air, lisensi memancing , dan izin emisi dapat diperdagangkan, dll Defisit keuangan mungkin timbul dari kenyataan bahwa hak milik memperoleh nilai, (dan dapat digunakan sebagai jaminan untuk akses ke pasar keuangan) setelah mereka dikeluarkan.
Sejak survei kadaster, resolusi klaim yang saling bertentangan, dan penerbitan judul dan waktu pendaftaran mengambil (3-5 tahun tidak biasa), masalah arus kas dibuat untuk agen penerbit yang mengasumsikan biaya tanpa sarana langsung dari cost recovery. Mengingat kelangkaan parah sumber daya keuangan dalam negeri di banyak negara berkembang, bantuan keuangan eksternal atau pinjaman yang diperlukan untuk pelaksanaan instrumen tertentu seperti hak milik. Misalnya, Thailand pada 1980-an menerima pinjaman $ 30 juta dari Bank Dunia, dalam hubungannya dengan program penyesuaian struktural, khusus untuk tujuan survei kadaster, pendaftaran tanah, dan sertifikasi.
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