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This article considers experiences of social change anddownward social mobility in contemporary China by applying theoreticaltools from Bourdieu to understand service interactions at a large, state-owned department store serving the urban working class. Itdemonstrates how sales clerks sought to maintain an imagined space ofworking-class security by emphasizing a set of fading social distinctions.Sales clerks did so by calling forth the waning symbolic capital of statesocialism and translating it into a form of postsocialist, working-classnostalgia. In an effort to appeal to a downwardly-mobile, working-classclientele in a reconfigured marketplace, sales clerks simultaneously tracedthe downward social trajectory of China’s diminished urban proletariat.KEY WORDS■China, service work, postsocialism, social change,social mobility, distinction, trajectoryLike many Communist and former-Communist countries, China’s shiftfrom a centralized, planned economy and a state socialist system to amarket-driven one has upended the categories that once organized people’severyday lives. Shopping plazas replace factories as urban landmarks.Businessmen earn recognition as ‘model workers’. The urban working class,once the vanguard of China’s revolutionary aspirations, is now viewed asan inefficient and undisciplined workforce (Rofel, 1989), a ball-and-chainon state enterprises and the urban economy. Whereas economic reformshave brought growing prosperity and upward mobility for some, for practices in the inexpensive bazaars and small-scale private merchants theyincreasingly patronized.Sales clerk counter strategies that sought to affirm Harbin No. X as theappropriate place for working-class consumers to shop, however, are bestunderstood within a theoretical framework of social distinctions, symbolicboundaries, and social change. In particular, Bourdieu’s notion of ‘distinc-tion’ helps explain why sales clerks worked to shore up the symbolic bound-aries between Harbin No. X and its new competitors, especially the getimarketplace. At the same time, Bourdieu’s concept of ‘trajectory’ suggeststhat the nostalgic appeals made by sales clerks to customers were shapednot only by a reconfigured retail sector but also by the general downwardmobility of China’s urban working class.Other scholars have argued that service settings and service interactionscan act as key sites for the production and reproduction of symbolic bound-aries and social hierarchies (Williams, 2006; Sherman, forthcoming). Isuggest that at Harbin No. X, we find the rise of what can be character-ized more specifically as what I term ‘distinction work’. Distinction workis interactive service work (Leidner, 1993, 1996) that produces and recog-nizes social distinctions. Here I borrow the idea Bourdieu developed inDistinction(1984) that the production and consumption of cultural goods– in this case, the ‘good’ of customer service – involves a struggle oversymbolic categories that enables social groups to define and assert them-selves through simultaneously hierarchical and relational differences(Bourdieu, 1984, 1998). Distinction work is fundamentally about socialrelations – among managers, workers, and customers, and even relationsamongworkplaces, in that work activities communicate a relationship toother workplaces and the people found there. Service work organized asdistinction work seeks to attract customers and win their loyalty by distin-guishing a store and its clientele from settings located elsewhere – usuallylower down – in the social hierarchy.Under China’s socialist planned economy, service sector work (andretail work more specifically) wasnotdistinction work: customers had fewchoices and state retailers enjoyed a monopolistic stranglehold on the saleof consumer goods. Customer patronage was a non-issue, and in fact theservice work performed inside settings like department stores wasconducted in ways far more similar to industrial work than it is today.However, with the rise of a market economy and new social relations,retailers compete in an increasingly stratified field of competition. In thiscontext, the state-sector retail workers I studied mobilized a set of distinc-tions meant to stake out the store’s rightful place within a reconfiguredenvironment.But sales clerk counter strategies also engaged in a form of postsocialistnostalgia that only took on meaning in the context of a downward slide
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