Incident-Based DynamicsAlthough pri

Incident-Based Dynamics
Although prior domestic violence involvement may play an important role in determining whether a child maltreatment charge is received, other incident- based factors are likely significant. Alcohol and drug (AOD) use, for exam- ple, is a strong predictor of domestic violence (Kilpatrick, Acierno, Resnick,Saunders, & Best, 1997; Klostermann & Fals-Stewart, 2006; Testa, Livingston, & Leonard, 2003). Several studies have shown that perpetrators are often intoxicated during the commission of domestic violence (Leonard & Quigley, 1999; O’Brien et al., 2016; Thompson & Kingree, 2006) and that perpetrators of domestic violence are more likely to be arrested if intoxicated (Feder, 1997; Jones & Belknap, 1999). This relationship holds for arrested women and dual arrests (Fraehlich & Ursel, 2014; Houry, Reddy, & Parramore, 2006; Martin, 1997; Roark, 2016). Further complicating the dynamics is that victims, too, may use substances as a coping strategy (Anderson, 2002; Dutton et al., 2006; Logan, Walker, Cole, & Leukefeld, 2002; O’Brien et al., 2016). Along these lines, the current study asks whether a child abuse charge is more or less likely if a parent or caretaker is intoxi- cated during a domestic violence incident.
Another incident-related factor associated with the study of domestic vio- lence arrests concerns who initiated police contact. Studies have found that victims are more likely than third parties (such as strangers, children, or other family members) to report incidents of domestic violence, especially if the victim is a woman (Berk & Loseke, 1980; Felson & Paré, 2005). Such inci- dents may represent the most extreme cases of violence. One reason for this finding is that third parties may be less likely to see major conflicts between partners, instead seeing minor conflicts that do not qualify as needing police intervention (Felson, Messner, & Hoskin, 1999). Research regarding who contacted the police has demonstrated mixed results as it relates to arrest outcomes. Jones and Belknap (1999) found in their sample that 65.6% of victims initiated police contact (compared with 2.6% of children and 5.8% of offenders) but that victim-initiated contact with the police did not increase the likelihood of police action (i.e., jail, warrant, book and release, or court summons). Whereas, when a domestic violence arrest has been made, Roark (2016) discovered that who contacted the police impacted the dual arrest out- come. Of special importance to the current study is not only who contacted the police but also the role of the child. Bonomi, Holt, Martin, and Thompson (2006) found that women with children at home were more likely to call law enforcement than women without children in the home, and Buzawa and Austin (1993) found that an arrest for domestic violence was more likely if children were present. Extending this research, we ask whether a child abuse charge is more likely when a call to law enforcement is made by a child, who likely witnessed the domestic violence incident.
Other incident-related factors are likely to correspond to the severity of domestic violence. Buzawa and Austin (1993) found that a domestic violence arrest is more likely when a gun is involved as compared with a blunt object or the use of bodily weapons such as fists. Likewise, when the severity of violence rises to the level of a felony, the chances of an arrest increases (Jones & Belknap, 1999) and the likelihood of being solely responsible for the domestic violence incident also increases, especially for men (Roark, 2016). These factors may not only predict whether a domestic violence arrest is made but also whether or not a child abuse charge is received. In sum, past research has shown that incident-based dynamics (e.g., AOD use, who con- tacted the police, and severity of violence rising to the level of a felony or involvement of a weapon) are likely to affect whether a domestic violence arrest is made. Questions remain, however, as to whether or not these same factors impact the probability of a child abuse charge.

Child-Based Factors
Central to the study of the criminalization of child maltreatment, broadly, and to the study of predictors for child maltreatment arrests, more specifically, are factors associated with children themselves. Child-based predictors are rarely included in studies of domestic violence arrest. Of the studies that do docu- ment information about children, the research is limited. Generally, most studies note whether or not a child was present (Bonomi et al., 2006; Buzawa & Austin, 1993; Eigenberg, Scarborough, & Kappeler, 1996; Houry et al., 2006; Roark, 2016) and fewer note whether children called the police (Jones & Belknap, 1999). Exceptions include Henning and Feder’s (2004) study that finds, compared with women arrested, men arrested were more likely to have children in the home who were pushed, shoved, hit, or threatened during a domestic violence incident.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Dinamika berbasis insidenMeskipun kekerasan rumah tangga sebelumnya keterlibatan mungkin memainkan peran penting dalam menentukan apakah biaya penganiayaan anak yang diterima, insiden-berdasarkan faktor-faktor lain mungkin signifikan. Alkohol dan obat (AOD) digunakan, untuk ujian-ple, adalah prediktor kuat kekerasan dalam rumah tangga (Kilpatrick, Acierno, Resnick, Saunders, & terbaik, 1997; Klostermann & Fals-Stewart, 2006; Testa, Livingston, & Leonard, 2003). Beberapa studi telah menunjukkan bahwa pelaku sering mabuk selama komisi kekerasan rumah tangga (Leonard & Quigley, 1999; O'Brien et al., 2016; Thompson & Kingree, 2006) dan pelaku kekerasan dalam rumah tangga lebih cenderung ditahan polisi bila mabuk (Feder, 1997; Jones & Belknap, 1999). Hubungan ini memegang ditangkap wanita dan ganda penangkapan (Fraehlich & Ursel, 2014; Houry, Reddy, & Parramore, 2006; Martin, 1997; Roark, 2016). Yang lebih rumit dinamika adalah bahwa korban, juga, mungkin menggunakan zat sebagai strategi penanggulangan (Anderson, 2002; Dutton et al., 2006; Logan, Walker, Cole, & Leukefeld, 2002; O'Brien et al., 2016). Sepanjang jalur tersebut, penelitian ini meminta penyalahgunaan anak muatan Apakah lebih atau kurang kemungkinan jika orang tua atau pengasuh intoxi-cated selama insiden kekerasan domestik.Another incident-related factor associated with the study of domestic vio- lence arrests concerns who initiated police contact. Studies have found that victims are more likely than third parties (such as strangers, children, or other family members) to report incidents of domestic violence, especially if the victim is a woman (Berk & Loseke, 1980; Felson & Paré, 2005). Such inci- dents may represent the most extreme cases of violence. One reason for this finding is that third parties may be less likely to see major conflicts between partners, instead seeing minor conflicts that do not qualify as needing police intervention (Felson, Messner, & Hoskin, 1999). Research regarding who contacted the police has demonstrated mixed results as it relates to arrest outcomes. Jones and Belknap (1999) found in their sample that 65.6% of victims initiated police contact (compared with 2.6% of children and 5.8% of offenders) but that victim-initiated contact with the police did not increase the likelihood of police action (i.e., jail, warrant, book and release, or court summons). Whereas, when a domestic violence arrest has been made, Roark (2016) discovered that who contacted the police impacted the dual arrest out- come. Of special importance to the current study is not only who contacted the police but also the role of the child. Bonomi, Holt, Martin, and Thompson (2006) found that women with children at home were more likely to call law enforcement than women without children in the home, and Buzawa and Austin (1993) found that an arrest for domestic violence was more likely if children were present. Extending this research, we ask whether a child abuse charge is more likely when a call to law enforcement is made by a child, who likely witnessed the domestic violence incident.Other incident-related factors are likely to correspond to the severity of domestic violence. Buzawa and Austin (1993) found that a domestic violence arrest is more likely when a gun is involved as compared with a blunt object or the use of bodily weapons such as fists. Likewise, when the severity of violence rises to the level of a felony, the chances of an arrest increases (Jones & Belknap, 1999) and the likelihood of being solely responsible for the domestic violence incident also increases, especially for men (Roark, 2016). These factors may not only predict whether a domestic violence arrest is made but also whether or not a child abuse charge is received. In sum, past research has shown that incident-based dynamics (e.g., AOD use, who con- tacted the police, and severity of violence rising to the level of a felony or involvement of a weapon) are likely to affect whether a domestic violence arrest is made. Questions remain, however, as to whether or not these same factors impact the probability of a child abuse charge.Child-Based FactorsCentral to the study of the criminalization of child maltreatment, broadly, and to the study of predictors for child maltreatment arrests, more specifically, are factors associated with children themselves. Child-based predictors are rarely included in studies of domestic violence arrest. Of the studies that do docu- ment information about children, the research is limited. Generally, most studies note whether or not a child was present (Bonomi et al., 2006; Buzawa & Austin, 1993; Eigenberg, Scarborough, & Kappeler, 1996; Houry et al., 2006; Roark, 2016) and fewer note whether children called the police (Jones & Belknap, 1999). Exceptions include Henning and Feder’s (2004) study that finds, compared with women arrested, men arrested were more likely to have children in the home who were pushed, shoved, hit, or threatened during a domestic violence incident.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

Insiden Berbasis Dynamics
Meskipun sebelum keterlibatan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga dapat memainkan peran penting dalam menentukan apakah biaya penganiayaan anak diterima, faktor lain yang berbasis incident- cenderung signifikan. Alkohol dan obat (AOD) digunakan, sebagai contoh, adalah prediktor kuat dari kekerasan dalam rumah tangga (Kilpatrick, Acierno, Resnick, Saunders, & Best, 1997; Klostermann & Fals-Stewart, 2006; Testa, Livingston, & Leonard, 2003 ). Beberapa studi telah menunjukkan bahwa pelaku sering mabuk selama komisi kekerasan dalam rumah tangga (Leonard & Quigley, 1999; O'Brien et al, 2016;. Thompson & Kingree, 2006) dan bahwa pelaku kekerasan dalam rumah tangga lebih mungkin untuk ditangkap jika mabuk (Feder, 1997; Jones & Belknap, 1999). Hubungan ini berlaku untuk perempuan ditangkap dan dual penangkapan (Fraehlich & Ursel 2014; Houry, Reddy, & Parramore, 2006; Martin, 1997; Roark, 2016). Lebih rumit dinamika adalah bahwa korban juga dapat menggunakan zat sebagai strategi coping (Anderson, 2002;. Dutton et al, 2006; Logan, Walker, Cole, & Leukefeld, 2002;. O'Brien et al, 2016). Sepanjang jalur tersebut, penelitian ini menanyakan apakah biaya pelecehan anak lebih atau kurang mungkin jika orang tua atau pengasuh yang intoxi- berdedikasi selama insiden kekerasan dalam rumah tangga.
Faktor yang berhubungan dengan insiden lain yang terkait dengan studi vio- domestik penangkapan lence kekhawatiran yang memulai kontak polisi. Studi telah menemukan bahwa korban lebih mungkin dibandingkan pihak ketiga (seperti orang asing, anak-anak, atau anggota keluarga lainnya) akan melaporkan insiden kekerasan dalam rumah tangga, terutama jika korban adalah seorang wanita (Berk & Loseke, 1980; Felson & Paré, 2005) . Penyok insidens tersebut dapat mewakili kasus yang paling ekstrim kekerasan. Salah satu alasan untuk temuan ini adalah bahwa pihak ketiga mungkin kurang cenderung melihat konflik besar antara mitra, bukan melihat konflik kecil yang tidak memenuhi syarat sebagai membutuhkan intervensi polisi (Felson, Messner, & Hoskin, 1999). Penelitian mengenai siapa yang menghubungi polisi telah menunjukkan hasil yang beragam yang berkaitan untuk menangkap hasil. Jones dan Belknap (1999) ditemukan dalam sampel mereka yang 65,6% dari korban memulai kontak polisi (dibandingkan dengan 2,6% dari anak-anak dan 5,8% dari pelaku) tapi itu kontak korban-diawali dengan polisi tidak meningkatkan kemungkinan tindakan polisi (yaitu , penjara, surat perintah, buku dan rilis, atau panggilan pengadilan). Sedangkan, ketika penangkapan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga telah dibuat, Roark (2016) menemukan bahwa yang menghubungi polisi dampak penangkapan ganda out- datang. Penting khusus untuk penelitian ini tidak hanya yang menghubungi polisi tetapi juga peran anak. Bonomi, Holt, Martin, dan Thompson (2006) menemukan bahwa wanita dengan anak-anak di rumah lebih mungkin untuk memanggil penegakan hukum daripada wanita tanpa anak-anak di rumah, dan Buzawa dan Austin (1993) menemukan bahwa penangkapan untuk kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah lebih mungkin jika anak-anak yang hadir. Memperluas penelitian ini, kita bertanya apakah biaya pelecehan anak lebih mungkin ketika panggilan untuk penegakan hukum dibuat oleh seorang anak, yang mungkin menyaksikan insiden kekerasan dalam rumah tangga.
Faktor yang berhubungan dengan kejadian lain yang mungkin sesuai dengan tingkat keparahan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Buzawa dan Austin (1993) menemukan bahwa penangkapan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga lebih mungkin ketika pistol terlibat dibandingkan dengan benda tumpul atau penggunaan senjata tubuh seperti tinju. Demikian juga, ketika keparahan kekerasan meningkat ke tingkat tindak pidana, kemungkinan penangkapan meningkat (Jones & Belknap, 1999) dan kemungkinan menjadi bertanggung jawab atas insiden kekerasan dalam rumah tangga juga meningkat, terutama untuk laki-laki (Roark 2016 ). Faktor-faktor ini mungkin tidak hanya memprediksi apakah penangkapan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga dibuat tetapi juga apakah atau tidak muatan kekerasan terhadap anak diterima. Singkatnya, penelitian terakhir telah menunjukkan bahwa dinamika berbasis insiden (misalnya, penggunaan AOD, yang con- tacted polisi, dan keparahan dari kekerasan meningkat ke tingkat kejahatan atau keterlibatan senjata) yang cenderung mempengaruhi apakah kekerasan dalam rumah tangga penangkapan dilakukan. Pertanyaan tetap, namun, apakah atau tidak faktor-faktor yang sama mempengaruhi kemungkinan biaya pelecehan anak.

Faktor Anak Berbasis
Tengah untuk mempelajari kriminalisasi penganiayaan anak, luas, dan untuk mempelajari prediktor untuk penangkapan penganiayaan anak, lebih spesifik, faktor-faktor yang berhubungan dengan anak-anak sendiri. -Anak berdasarkan prediktor jarang disertakan dalam studi penangkapan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Dari penelitian yang dilakukan informasi ment-dokumen tentang anak-anak, penelitian ini terbatas. Umumnya, kebanyakan studi perhatikan apakah atau tidak seorang anak hadir (Bonomi et al, 2006;. Buzawa & Austin, 1993; Eigenberg, Scarborough, & Kappeler, 1996; Houry et al, 2006;. Roark 2016) dan catatan sedikit apakah anak menelepon polisi (Jones & Belknap, 1999). Pengecualian termasuk Henning dan (2004) studi Feder yang menemukan, dibandingkan dengan wanita ditangkap, pria ditangkap lebih mungkin untuk memiliki anak-anak di rumah yang mendorong, mendorong, memukul, atau mengancam selama insiden kekerasan dalam rumah tangga.