and her harmonious relations with her

and her harmonious relations with h

and her harmonious relations with her "beautiful legitimate children" (OGIS 308).
Some queens evidently paid special attention to the condition of women. About 195 B.c., for example, the Seleucid queen Laodice gave a ten-year en- dowment to the city of Iasus in southwestern Anatolia to provide dowries for needy girls. Her endowing a foundation to help less fortunate women reflected the increasing concern on the part of the wealthy for the welfare of the less fortunate during the Hellenistic period. The royal families led the way in this tendency toward philanthropy as part of their cultivation of an image of generosity befitting kings and queens, in the best tradi- tion of Greek benefaction by the social elite. That Laodice funded dowries shows that she recognized the importance to women of owning property, the surest guarantee of a certain respect and a measure of power in their households.
The lives of most women, nevertheless, were still under the influence of decisions made by men. "Who can judge better than a father what is to his daughter's interest?" remained the dominant creed of the fathers of daughters. Upper-class women remained largely separated from men not members of their families; poor women still worked in public. Greeks con- tinued to abandon infants they could not or would not raise, and girls were abandoned more often than boys. Other peoples, such as the Egyptians and the Jews, did not practice abandonment, or exposure, as it is often called. Exposure differed from infanticide because the expectation was that some- one else would find the child and bring it up, albeit usually as a slave. The third-century B.C. comic poet Posidippus overstated the case by saying, "A son, one always raises even if one is poor; a daughter, one exposes, even if one is rich" (CAE fragment 11). Daughters of the wealthy were of course usually not abandoned, but as many as 10 percent of other infant girls may have been. In some limited ways, however, women did achieve greater con- trol over their own lives in the Hellenistic period. A woman of exceptional wealth could enter public life, for example by making donations or loans to her city and being rewarded with an official post in the government of her community. Of course, such posts were now less prestigious and important than in the days of the independent city-states because real power resided in the hands of the king and his top administrators. In Egypt, women acquired greater say in the conditions of marriage because marriage contracts, a stan- dard procedure, gradually evolved from an agreement between the groom and the bride's parents to one between the bride and groom themselves.
Even with power based in the cities, most of the population continued to live where people always had, in small villages in the countryside. There different groups of people lived side-by-side but nevertheless separately. In one region of Anatolia, for example, twenty-two different languages were spoken. Life in the new and refounded Hellenistic cities developed largely independently of indigenous rural society. Urban life acquired spe- cial vitality because the Greek and Macedonian residents of these cities, surrounded by the non-Greek countryside, tended to remain in the urban centers more than had their predecessors in the Classical city-state, whose habit it was to go back and forth frequently between city and countryside to attend to their rural property, participate in local festivals, and worship in local shrines. Now the activities of city dwellers were more and more cen- tered on the city. Residents became attached to their cities also because the wealthy, following the tradition of the elites in the Classical city-states, in- creasingly gave their cities benefactions that endowed urban existence with new advantages over country life. On the island of Samos, for example, wealthy contributors endowed a foundation to finance free distribution of grain every month to all the citizens so that shortages of food would no longer trouble their city. State-sponsored schools for universal education of the young also sprang up in various Hellenistic cities, often financed by wealthy donors. In some places girls as well as boys went to school. Many cities also began ensuring the availability of doctors by sponsoring their practices. Patients still had to pay for medical attention, but at least they could count on finding a doctor when they need
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and her harmonious relations with her "beautiful legitimate children" (OGIS 308). Some queens evidently paid special attention to the condition of women. About 195 B.c., for example, the Seleucid queen Laodice gave a ten-year en- dowment to the city of Iasus in southwestern Anatolia to provide dowries for needy girls. Her endowing a foundation to help less fortunate women reflected the increasing concern on the part of the wealthy for the welfare of the less fortunate during the Hellenistic period. The royal families led the way in this tendency toward philanthropy as part of their cultivation of an image of generosity befitting kings and queens, in the best tradi- tion of Greek benefaction by the social elite. That Laodice funded dowries shows that she recognized the importance to women of owning property, the surest guarantee of a certain respect and a measure of power in their households. The lives of most women, nevertheless, were still under the influence of decisions made by men. "Who can judge better than a father what is to his daughter's interest?" remained the dominant creed of the fathers of daughters. Upper-class women remained largely separated from men not members of their families; poor women still worked in public. Greeks con- tinued to abandon infants they could not or would not raise, and girls were abandoned more often than boys. Other peoples, such as the Egyptians and the Jews, did not practice abandonment, or exposure, as it is often called. Exposure differed from infanticide because the expectation was that some- one else would find the child and bring it up, albeit usually as a slave. The third-century B.C. comic poet Posidippus overstated the case by saying, "A son, one always raises even if one is poor; a daughter, one exposes, even if one is rich" (CAE fragment 11). Daughters of the wealthy were of course usually not abandoned, but as many as 10 percent of other infant girls may have been. In some limited ways, however, women did achieve greater con- trol over their own lives in the Hellenistic period. A woman of exceptional wealth could enter public life, for example by making donations or loans to her city and being rewarded with an official post in the government of her community. Of course, such posts were now less prestigious and important than in the days of the independent city-states because real power resided in the hands of the king and his top administrators. In Egypt, women acquired greater say in the conditions of marriage because marriage contracts, a stan- dard procedure, gradually evolved from an agreement between the groom and the bride's parents to one between the bride and groom themselves. Even with power based in the cities, most of the population continued to live where people always had, in small villages in the countryside. There different groups of people lived side-by-side but nevertheless separately. In one region of Anatolia, for example, twenty-two different languages were spoken. Life in the new and refounded Hellenistic cities developed largely independently of indigenous rural society. Urban life acquired spe- cial vitality because the Greek and Macedonian residents of these cities, surrounded by the non-Greek countryside, tended to remain in the urban centers more than had their predecessors in the Classical city-state, whose habit it was to go back and forth frequently between city and countryside to attend to their rural property, participate in local festivals, and worship in local shrines. Now the activities of city dwellers were more and more cen- tered on the city. Residents became attached to their cities also because the wealthy, following the tradition of the elites in the Classical city-states, in- creasingly gave their cities benefactions that endowed urban existence with new advantages over country life. On the island of Samos, for example, wealthy contributors endowed a foundation to finance free distribution of grain every month to all the citizens so that shortages of food would no longer trouble their city. State-sponsored schools for universal education of the young also sprang up in various Hellenistic cities, often financed by wealthy donors. In some places girls as well as boys went to school. Many cities also began ensuring the availability of doctors by sponsoring their practices. Patients still had to pay for medical attention, but at least they could count on finding a doctor when they need
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dan hubungan yang harmonis dengan "anak yang cantik sah" nya (OGIS 308).
Beberapa ratu jelas memberikan perhatian khusus pada kondisi perempuan. Sekitar 195 Bc, misalnya, Seleucid queen Laodike memberi sepuluh tahun en- dowment ke kota Iasus di barat daya Anatolia untuk memberikan mas kawin untuk anak perempuan membutuhkan. Dia endowing yayasan untuk membantu perempuan yang kurang beruntung mencerminkan meningkatnya kekhawatiran pada bagian dari orang kaya untuk kesejahteraan yang kurang beruntung selama periode Helenistik. Keluarga kerajaan memimpin jalan dalam kecenderungan ini menuju filantropi sebagai bagian dari kultivasi mereka dari suatu gambar kemurahan hati cocok raja dan ratu, di terbaik tradisi tion dari kebajikan Yunani oleh elit sosial. Itu Laodike didanai mahar menunjukkan bahwa ia mengenali pentingnya untuk wanita memiliki properti, jaminan paling pasti dari hal tertentu dan ukuran kekuasaan dalam rumah tangga mereka.
Kehidupan sebagian besar wanita, bagaimanapun, masih di bawah pengaruh keputusan yang dibuat oleh laki-laki . "Siapa yang bisa menilai lebih baik dari seorang ayah apa yang menarik putrinya?" tetap kredo dominan dari ayah putri. Perempuan kelas atas sebagian besar tetap terpisah dari orang-orang bukan anggota keluarga mereka; perempuan miskin masih bekerja di depan umum. Yunani con- terus berlanjutnya untuk meninggalkan bayi mereka tidak bisa atau tidak akan meningkatkan, dan gadis-gadis ditinggalkan lebih sering daripada anak laki-laki. Orang lain, seperti orang Mesir dan orang-orang Yahudi, tidak berlatih ditinggalkan, atau paparan, seperti yang sering disebut. Paparan berbeda dari pembunuhan bayi karena harapan adalah bahwa kadang orang lain akan menemukan anak dan membawanya ke atas, meskipun biasanya sebagai budak. Abad ketiga SM komik penyair Posidippus terlalu melebih-lebihkan dengan mengatakan, "Seorang putra, satu selalu menimbulkan bahkan jika salah satu miskin, anak perempuan, satu paparan, bahkan jika salah satu kaya" (CAE fragmen 11). Putri dari orang kaya yang tentu saja biasanya tidak ditinggalkan, tapi sebanyak 10 persen anak perempuan bayi lainnya mungkin. Dalam beberapa hal tertentu, bagaimanapun, wanita tidak mencapai kendali lebih besar atas kehidupan mereka sendiri di periode Helenistik. Seorang wanita dari kekayaan yang luar biasa bisa memasuki kehidupan masyarakat, misalnya dengan membuat sumbangan atau pinjaman untuk kota dan yang dihargai dengan pos resmi dalam pemerintahan komunitasnya. Tentu saja, tulisan seperti itu sekarang kurang bergengsi dan penting daripada di hari-hari negara-kota mandiri karena kekuatan nyata tinggal di tangan raja dan administrator atas nya. Di Mesir, perempuan yang diperoleh lebih besar dalam kondisi perkawinan karena kontrak pernikahan, prosedur dard-standar, secara bertahap berevolusi dari kesepakatan antara pengantin pria dan orang tua pengantin wanita ke salah satu antara pengantin sendiri.
Bahkan dengan kekuatan yang berbasis di kota , sebagian besar penduduk terus hidup di mana orang selalu memiliki, di desa-desa kecil di pedesaan. Kelompok yang berbeda ada orang hidup side-by-side namun demikian secara terpisah. Di satu wilayah Anatolia, misalnya, dua puluh dua bahasa yang berbeda diucapkan. Hidup di kota-kota Helenistik baru dan refounded dikembangkan secara independen dari masyarakat pedesaan adat. Kehidupan perkotaan diperoleh vitalitas spe cial karena Yunani dan warga Macedonia dari kota-kota, dikelilingi oleh pedesaan non-Yunani, cenderung untuk tetap berada di pusat-pusat perkotaan lebih dari memiliki pendahulu mereka di Klasik negara kota, yang kebiasaan itu untuk pergi bolak-balik sering antara kota dan pedesaan untuk mengurus properti pedesaan mereka, berpartisipasi dalam festival lokal, dan beribadah di kuil lokal. Sekarang kegiatan penduduk kota lebih dan lebih tered-abad di kota. Warga menjadi melekat pada kota-kota mereka juga karena orang kaya, mengikuti tradisi para elit di negara-kota klasik, di- creasingly memberi mereka kota benefactions yang diberkahi keberadaan perkotaan dengan keunggulan baru atas kehidupan negara. Di pulau Samos, misalnya, kontributor kaya diberkahi yayasan untuk membiayai distribusi bebas dari biji-bijian setiap bulan untuk semua warga sehingga kekurangan makanan tidak lagi akan kesulitan kota mereka. Sekolah yang disponsori negara untuk pendidikan universal muda juga bermunculan di berbagai kota Helenistik, sering dibiayai oleh donor kaya. Di beberapa tempat gadis serta anak laki-laki pergi ke sekolah. Banyak kota juga mulai memastikan ketersediaan dokter dengan mensponsori praktek mereka. Pasien masih harus membayar untuk perawatan medis, tapi setidaknya mereka bisa mengandalkan menemukan dokter ketika mereka butuhkan
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