communities grew into larger settle

communities grew into larger settlements that became towns, cities, and finally modern mega iopolises. Cultural anthropologists have compared present-day hunter- gatherer tribes, agricultural societies, and urbanized societies. They have found that from the most primitive to the most modern society,family com- plexity first increased and then decreased again. Hunter-gatherers tend to live in nuclear families or small bands. Sedentary agricultural societies mostly show complex extended families or village community in-groups when farmers migrate to cities, the sizes of extended families become reduced and the typical urban family is again nuclear. In most countries today one finds only agricultural and urban subcultures. For these two types, modernization corresponds to individualization.
Information about one hunter-gatherer society comes from an Aus- tralian researc Ray Simonsen, who administered the VSM94 (the 1994 improved version of the IBM questionnaire) to Aboriginal entrepreneurs in Darwin, Northern Territory, and to a comparable group of white Aus tralians, Aboriginal society is still largely based on hunting and gathering. while unlike the white Australians, the Aborigines scored high on power distance, low on masculinity, and high on uncertainty avoidance, on indi- vidualism they scored as high as their white compatriots. In Table 3.1 we find societies with a large traditional rural sector mostly at the collectivist side, and modern industrial societies at the where idualist side. There are some exceptions, especially in East Asia, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore have retained considerable collectivism in spite of industrialization.
As in the case of PDI Chapter 2 we used the statistical tool of stepwise multiple regression to determine what quantitative information about our countries best explained the differences in scores. We found that a country's IDV score can be fairly accurately predicted from :

1. The country's wealth(richer countries are associated with higher IDV)
2. The country's geographic latitude(countries closer to the equator are associated with lower IDV)
Wealth(per capita GNP at the time of the IBM surveys) explained no less than 71 percent of the differences in IDV scorer for the original fifty IBM countries. This is amazing, if we realize that the two measures come from entirely different sources and that both are rather imprecise subject to measurement error.
A correlation does not show which of two related phenomena is cause and which is effect, or whether both could be caused by a third factor not shown in the graph. If individualism were the cause of wealth, one should find that IDV scores relate not only to national wealth per se but also to growth. The latter is measured by the World Bank as the ensuing economic average annual percentage increase in per capita GNP during a twenty five-year period. If individualism leads to wealth, IDV should be positively correlated with economic growth in the period following the collection of the IDv data. However, the relationship between IDV scores(collected around 1970) and subsequent economic growth was, if anything, negatives the more individualist countries showed less, not more, economic growth than the less individualist ones.
We can draw the same conclusion by looking at the correlations of 197o IDv with courutry wealth in later years. Wealth data from 197o explained 71 percent of IDV differences, wealth in 1980 explained 62 per cent, in 1990, 55 percent, and in gooo, 62 percent." If causality went from IDV to subsequent GNP, the correlation should have become stronger over time.
The reverse causality national wealth causing individualism, is more plausible. The IBM data bank allowed measuring shifts countries during the four-year period from 1968 out twenty and all that had been surveyed in both years, nineteen had become richer, in the of these had shifted toward greater individualism. The only country collec- set that had become poorer, Pakistan, shifted slightly toward the tivist side.
Figure 3.2 plots IDV against GNP per capita for the year gooo. There is still a notable overall relationship, but the graph also shows which coun tries are wealthier and poorer than their IDv score would predict for example, Singapore and Japan are wealthier, India and New Zealand are poorer.
when a country's wealth increases, its citizens get access to resources that allow them to"do their own thing. The storyteller in the village mar- ket is replaced by TV sets, first one per village, but soon more. In wealthy Western family homes, every family member may have his or her ownTV set. The caravan through the desert is replaced by a number of buses, and these by a larger number of motor cars, until each adult family member different car. The v sleeps together age hut in which the entire family lives and ective life is is replaced by a house with a number of private r Col between replaced by individual life. However, the negative relationship individualism and economic growth for the very wealthy countries suggests that this development leads to its own undoing. Where wealth has Progressed to a level at which most citizens can afford to do their own thing, this leads to friction losses, and the national economy grows less than in countries where people are still accustomed to doing at least a num- ber of things together(for example, Japan) ons for the fast economic growth of East Asian countries will be further discussed in Chapter 6 IDV
Besides national wealth the only other measure statistically related to capital s geographic latitude the distance from the equator of a country's ter g city It explained another 7 percent of the IDv differences. In Chap latitude was the first predictor of power distance scores, As we there, in countries with moderate and cold climates, people's survival depends more on their ability to fend for themselves. This favors educat- ing children toward independence from more powerful others ower PDI). It also seems to favor a degree of individualism.
The size of the population of a country, which contributed significantly to predicting power distance, did not relate to collectivism. The growth of the population(average percent per year over a ten-year period) did relate to collectivism, but its first correlation was with country wealth in poor countries families tend to have more children. There are a number of reasons for this, most prominent being the poor education of women and the expectation that children will support their parents in old age. Children in larger families obviously are more likely to acquire collectivist rather than individualist values.
Historical factors, apart from economic ones, can also account for part of the country differences on this dimension, although not as clearly as in the case of the influence of the Roman Empire on power distance. The influ ence of the teachings of Confucius in the East Asian countries to which part of Chapter 6 will be devoted supports the maintenance of a collec- tivist value system. On the other hand, in parts of western Europe, in par- ticular in England, Scotland, and the Netherlands, individualist values could be recognized centuries ago, when the average citizen in these coun- tries was still quite poor and the economies were overwhelmingly rural. The migrants from Europe who populated North America, Australia, and New Zealand were by definition sufficiently individualist to leave their old.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

communities grew into larger settlements that became towns, cities, and finally modern mega iopolises. Cultural anthropologists have compared present-day hunter- gatherer tribes, agricultural societies, and urbanized societies. They have found that from the most primitive to the most modern society,family com- plexity first increased and then decreased again. Hunter-gatherers tend to live in nuclear families or small bands. Sedentary agricultural societies mostly show complex extended families or village community in-groups when farmers migrate to cities, the sizes of extended families become reduced and the typical urban family is again nuclear. In most countries today one finds only agricultural and urban subcultures. For these two types, modernization corresponds to individualization. Information about one hunter-gatherer society comes from an Aus- tralian researc Ray Simonsen, who administered the VSM94 (the 1994 improved version of the IBM questionnaire) to Aboriginal entrepreneurs in Darwin, Northern Territory, and to a comparable group of white Aus tralians, Aboriginal society is still largely based on hunting and gathering. while unlike the white Australians, the Aborigines scored high on power distance, low on masculinity, and high on uncertainty avoidance, on indi- vidualism they scored as high as their white compatriots. In Table 3.1 we find societies with a large traditional rural sector mostly at the collectivist side, and modern industrial societies at the where idualist side. There are some exceptions, especially in East Asia, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore have retained considerable collectivism in spite of industrialization. As in the case of PDI Chapter 2 we used the statistical tool of stepwise multiple regression to determine what quantitative information about our countries best explained the differences in scores. We found that a country's IDV score can be fairly accurately predicted from :1. The country's wealth(richer countries are associated with higher IDV) 2. The country's geographic latitude(countries closer to the equator are associated with lower IDV) Wealth(per capita GNP at the time of the IBM surveys) explained no less than 71 percent of the differences in IDV scorer for the original fifty IBM countries. This is amazing, if we realize that the two measures come from entirely different sources and that both are rather imprecise subject to measurement error. A correlation does not show which of two related phenomena is cause and which is effect, or whether both could be caused by a third factor not shown in the graph. If individualism were the cause of wealth, one should find that IDV scores relate not only to national wealth per se but also to growth. The latter is measured by the World Bank as the ensuing economic average annual percentage increase in per capita GNP during a twenty five-year period. If individualism leads to wealth, IDV should be positively correlated with economic growth in the period following the collection of the IDv data. However, the relationship between IDV scores(collected around 1970) and subsequent economic growth was, if anything, negatives the more individualist countries showed less, not more, economic growth than the less individualist ones. We can draw the same conclusion by looking at the correlations of 197o IDv with courutry wealth in later years. Wealth data from 197o explained 71 percent of IDV differences, wealth in 1980 explained 62 per cent, in 1990, 55 percent, and in gooo, 62 percent." If causality went from IDV to subsequent GNP, the correlation should have become stronger over time. The reverse causality national wealth causing individualism, is more plausible. The IBM data bank allowed measuring shifts countries during the four-year period from 1968 out twenty and all that had been surveyed in both years, nineteen had become richer, in the of these had shifted toward greater individualism. The only country collec- set that had become poorer, Pakistan, shifted slightly toward the tivist side. Figure 3.2 plots IDV against GNP per capita for the year gooo. There is still a notable overall relationship, but the graph also shows which coun tries are wealthier and poorer than their IDv score would predict for example, Singapore and Japan are wealthier, India and New Zealand are poorer. Ketika kekayaan negara meningkat, warganya mendapatkan akses ke sumber daya yang memungkinkan mereka untuk "melakukan hal mereka sendiri. Sang dalang di desa mar-ket digantikan oleh TV set, pertama satu per desa, tetapi segera lebih. Kaya rumah keluarga Barat, setiap anggota keluarga mungkin memiliki ownTV nya yang ditetapkan. Kafilah melalui padang gurun digantikan oleh sejumlah bus, dan ini oleh sejumlah besar mobil, sampai setiap anggota keluarga dewasa mobil yang berbeda. V tidur bersama hut usia di mana seluruh kehidupan keluarga dan kehidupan ective digantikan oleh sebuah rumah dengan sejumlah pribadi r Col antara digantikan oleh kehidupan individu. Namun, hubungan negatif individualisme dan pertumbuhan ekonomi negara-negara yang sangat kaya menunjukkan bahwa perkembangan ini mengarah ke melepas sendiri. Mana kekayaan telah berkembang ke tingkat di mana kebanyakan warga mampu melakukan hal mereka sendiri, hal ini menyebabkan kerugian gesekan, dan perekonomian nasional tumbuh kurang dari di negara di mana orang-orang masih terbiasa melakukan setidaknya num ber hal bersama-sama (misalnya, Jepang) ons untuk pertumbuhan cepat ekonomi negara-negara Asia Timur akan dibahas lebih lanjut dalam Bab 6 IDV Selain kekayaan nasional-hanya ukuran lainnya Statistik terkait dengan modal s geografis lintang jarak dari ekuator kota g ter negara itu menjelaskan lain 7 persen dari perbedaan IDv. Chap latitude adalah prediktor pertama kekuatan jarak Skor, seperti yang kita ada, di negara-negara dengan iklim yang moderat dan dingin, kelangsungan hidup rakyat lebih bergantung pada kemampuan mereka untuk berjuang sendiri. Bantuan ini anak-anak educat-ing menuju kemerdekaan dari lebih kuat lain ower PDI). Hal ini juga tampaknya mendukung gelar individualisme. Ukuran populasi negara, yang memberikan kontribusi signifikan untuk memprediksi kekuatan jarak, Apakah tidak berhubungan dengan kolektivisme. Pertumbuhan penduduk (rata-rata persen per tahun selama sepuluh tahun) Apakah berhubungan dengan kolektivisme, tetapi korelasi yang pertama adalah dengan kekayaan negara di negara-negara miskin keluarga cenderung untuk memiliki lebih banyak anak. Ada beberapa alasan untuk ini, yang paling menonjol menjadi miskin pendidikan perempuan dan harapan bahwa anak-anak akan mendukung orangtua mereka di usia tua. Anak-anak dalam keluarga besar jelas lebih mungkin untuk memperoleh kolektif daripada nilai-nilai individualis. Faktor sejarah, selain orang-orang ekonomi, dapat juga menjelaskan bagian dari perbedaan negara pada dimensi ini, meskipun tidak dengan jelas seperti pada kasus pengaruh Kekaisaran Romawi kekuatan jarak. Influ masa kemerdekaan dari ajaran Konfusius di negara-negara Asia Timur yang bagian dari Bab 6 akan mencurahkan mendukung pemeliharaan sistem nilai kolektif-tivist. Di sisi lain, di bagian Eropa Barat, di par-khusus mereka dan di Inggris, Skotlandia, dan Belanda, nilai-nilai individualis yang dapat diakui berabad-abad yang lalu, ketika rata-rata warga di negara ini-mencoba itu masih sangat miskin dan ekonomi sangat banyak pedesaan. Pendatang dari Eropa yang dihuni Amerika Utara, Australia, dan Selandia Baru yang menurut definisi cukup individualis meninggalkan lama mereka.