School Finance Equalization and Property Tax Limitationsin CaliforniaW terjemahan - School Finance Equalization and Property Tax Limitationsin CaliforniaW Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

School Finance Equalization and Pro

School Finance Equalization and Property Tax Limitations
in California
William Fischel (1989) asked a very interesting question about the property
tax limitations under Proposition 13 in California: If residents perceived that
property taxes were “too high” in California, why did they wait until 1978 to
lower them? Indeed, earlier referenda in 1968 and 1972 proposing property
tax limitations had failed. What had changed by 1978?
Fischel’s answer is that Proposition 13 was actually a response to the court
case (Serrano v. Priest) that led to school finance equalization in California in
1976. The key feature of this decision was that it broke the link between local
property taxes and spending on schools by imposing the infinite tax price discussed
earlier. As a result, Fischel notes, this ruling also broke the Tiebout mechanism.
Under the Tiebout model, property taxes are essentially prices paid for
local services. In this model, individuals shop across communities (much as they
shop across goods) to find the package of prices and spending that best matches
their tastes. They know that if they choose a community with high taxes, they
will be getting a high level of spending as well. Thus, there is a full tax -benefit
linkage: their higher taxes buy them better public services (primarily schooling).
The California equalization decision severed the link between taxes paid
and benefits received. Taxes were no longer a price: they were just taxes. As a
result, it was natural for communities to vote to lower taxes, since they did not
perceive any benefit from them anymore. Fischel claimed that wealthy voters
would have opposed Proposition 13 in the absence of the school finance
equalization because their high taxes were paying for schooling they desired
for their town without subsidizing anyone else’s schooling. School finance
equalization changed this so that wealthy property -tax payers now saw that
their taxes were paying for benefits accruing to other, poorer citizens in other
towns. Thus, these wealthy taxpayers were happy to approve Proposition 13.
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School Finance Equalization and Property Tax Limitationsin CaliforniaWilliam Fischel (1989) asked a very interesting question about the propertytax limitations under Proposition 13 in California: If residents perceived thatproperty taxes were “too high” in California, why did they wait until 1978 tolower them? Indeed, earlier referenda in 1968 and 1972 proposing propertytax limitations had failed. What had changed by 1978?Fischel’s answer is that Proposition 13 was actually a response to the courtcase (Serrano v. Priest) that led to school finance equalization in California in1976. The key feature of this decision was that it broke the link between localproperty taxes and spending on schools by imposing the infinite tax price discussedearlier. As a result, Fischel notes, this ruling also broke the Tiebout mechanism.Under the Tiebout model, property taxes are essentially prices paid forlocal services. In this model, individuals shop across communities (much as theyshop across goods) to find the package of prices and spending that best matchestheir tastes. They know that if they choose a community with high taxes, theywill be getting a high level of spending as well. Thus, there is a full tax -benefitlinkage: their higher taxes buy them better public services (primarily schooling).The California equalization decision severed the link between taxes paidand benefits received. Taxes were no longer a price: they were just taxes. As aresult, it was natural for communities to vote to lower taxes, since they did not
perceive any benefit from them anymore. Fischel claimed that wealthy voters
would have opposed Proposition 13 in the absence of the school finance
equalization because their high taxes were paying for schooling they desired
for their town without subsidizing anyone else’s schooling. School finance
equalization changed this so that wealthy property -tax payers now saw that
their taxes were paying for benefits accruing to other, poorer citizens in other
towns. Thus, these wealthy taxpayers were happy to approve Proposition 13.
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Sekolah Keuangan Persamaan dan Pajak Properti Keterbatasan
di California
William Fischel (1989) mengajukan pertanyaan yang sangat menarik tentang properti
keterbatasan pajak di bawah Proposisi 13 di California: Jika warga merasa bahwa
pajak properti yang "terlalu tinggi" di California, mengapa mereka menunggu sampai 1978 untuk
menurunkan mereka? Memang, referendum sebelumnya pada tahun 1968 dan 1972 mengusulkan properti
keterbatasan pajak telah gagal. Apa yang telah diubah dengan 1978?
Jawabannya Fischel adalah bahwa Proposisi 13 sebenarnya merupakan respon terhadap pengadilan
kasus (Serrano v. Imam) yang menyebabkan pemerataan keuangan sekolah di California pada
tahun 1976. Fitur utama dari keputusan ini adalah bahwa itu memecahkan hubungan antara lokal
pajak properti dan pengeluaran sekolah dengan memberlakukan harga pajak yang tak terbatas dibahas
sebelumnya. Akibatnya, Fischel mencatat, putusan ini juga memecahkan mekanisme Tiebout.
Berdasarkan model Tiebout, pajak properti pada dasarnya harga yang dibayar untuk
layanan lokal. Dalam model ini, individu berbelanja di masyarakat (sebanyak yang mereka
berbelanja di barang) untuk menemukan paket harga dan belanja yang paling cocok
dengan selera mereka. Mereka tahu bahwa jika mereka memilih sebuah komunitas dengan pajak yang tinggi, mereka
akan mendapatkan tingkat tinggi pengeluaran juga. Dengan demikian, ada -benefit pajak penuh
linkage:. Pajak mereka lebih tinggi membelinya pelayanan publik yang lebih baik (terutama sekolah)
Keputusan pemerataan California memutuskan hubungan antara pajak yang dibayar
dan manfaat yang diterima. Pajak tidak lagi harga: mereka hanya pajak. Sebagai
hasilnya, itu wajar bagi masyarakat untuk memilih untuk pajak yang lebih rendah, karena mereka tidak
merasakan manfaat apapun dari mereka lagi. Fischel mengklaim bahwa pemilih kaya
akan menentang Proposition 13 dengan tidak adanya keuangan sekolah
pemerataan karena pajak yang tinggi mereka membayar untuk sekolah yang mereka inginkan
untuk kota mereka tanpa subsidi pendidikan orang lain. Keuangan sekolah
pemerataan berubah ini sehingga pembayar -tax properti kaya sekarang melihat bahwa
pajak mereka membayar untuk manfaat yang diperoleh untuk lainnya, warga miskin di lain
kota. Dengan demikian, ini wajib pajak kaya yang senang untuk menyetujui Proposisi 13.
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