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Robert DreebenBlau's early studies

Robert Dreeben
Blau's early studies of organizational work groups fell squarely in the Durkheimian tradition,
with debts also to Weber and to Simmel. His studies of public agencies distinguished
two kinds of work groups characterized by prevailing value orientation toward clients, classified
case workers according to this orientation, and ascertained their conduct in serving clients.
Findings showed that group values influenced conduct in the same direction among individuals
who both resembled each other and differed in their orientations (1960, p. 181), hence
the structural effect. The mechanism entailed sanctioning through social interaction in work
groups: perfunctory service to clients received social disapprobation, dedicated service brought
approval and respect.
In "Structural Effects," Blau (1955, 1960; Blau & Scott, 1962, pp. 87-115) described
how the normative and interactive elements of climate jointly affected conduct. His formulation
involved detailed observations of sanctioning, consulting, helping, supervising, and other
activities transpiring over time through the interactions of daily work, not just the identification
of group properties and of individual characteristics. As his treatment of patterns of consultation
and rule enforcement and of collegiality and authority in public agencies showed
(1955), he saw both conformity to and violation of norms in the framework of how authority
is exercised and in workers' relations to their superiors and their clients. The conceptual strategy
for treating structural effects differed from Wilson's (1959) which privileged normative
influences as the mechanism by which structure influenced aspirations.
THE COLUMBIA TRADITION
Substance
Relations between social structure and patterns of individual conduct received extensive attention
from the 1930s through the 1950s in the Department of Sociology at Columbia, especially
from Merton and Lazarsfeld. The connection between their contributions (and of their
students Blau and Coleman, among others) and Durkheim is unmistakable. Hauser (1971, pp.
13-14) was the first to point out the influence of Columbia sociology on the later use of
contextual analysis (structural effects) in education.
One of Merton's elaborations of Durkheim appeared in his essay on deviance, "Social
Structure and Anomie" (1938), whose "primary aim is to discover how some social structures
exert a definite pressure upon certain persons in the society to engage in non-conformist
rather than conformist conduct" (p. 672; Merton's italics). The argument linked rates of behavior
to elements of social structure. The latter referred to conjunctions of "cultural goals"
(cultural structure, or values), and "institutional norms" (prescription, preference, permission,
proscription) as they applied to the means of pursuing legitimate objectives (p. 673). As to
conduct, where Durkheim stressed the external constraint of social facts, Merton recognized
normative constraint on the use of means and viewed conduct as "types of [role] adaptation"
(p. 676) to circumstances defined by culturally valued goals and institutionalized means. The
acceptance and/or rejection of such goals and means defined the five "modes of individual
adaptation" (conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion p. 676) of his familiar
typology. Individuals behave more like actors in Merton's scheme than in Durkheim's;
they cope in patterned ways with conjunctions and disjunctions between goals and means.
Merton dispensed with the idea of social current; variants of it (e.g., value community, ethos),
however, reappeared later in research on school effects.
About two decades after "Social Structure and Anomie" appeared, Merton (1957a) elabo






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Robert Dreeben
Blau's early studies of organizational work groups fell squarely in the Durkheimian tradition,
with debts also to Weber and to Simmel. His studies of public agencies distinguished
two kinds of work groups characterized by prevailing value orientation toward clients, classified
case workers according to this orientation, and ascertained their conduct in serving clients.
Findings showed that group values influenced conduct in the same direction among individuals
who both resembled each other and differed in their orientations (1960, p. 181), hence
the structural effect. The mechanism entailed sanctioning through social interaction in work
groups: perfunctory service to clients received social disapprobation, dedicated service brought
approval and respect.
In "Structural Effects," Blau (1955, 1960; Blau & Scott, 1962, pp. 87-115) described
how the normative and interactive elements of climate jointly affected conduct. His formulation
involved detailed observations of sanctioning, consulting, helping, supervising, and other
activities transpiring over time through the interactions of daily work, not just the identification
of group properties and of individual characteristics. As his treatment of patterns of consultation
and rule enforcement and of collegiality and authority in public agencies showed
(1955), he saw both conformity to and violation of norms in the framework of how authority
is exercised and in workers' relations to their superiors and their clients. The conceptual strategy
for treating structural effects differed from Wilson's (1959) which privileged normative
influences as the mechanism by which structure influenced aspirations.
THE COLUMBIA TRADITION
Substance
Relations between social structure and patterns of individual conduct received extensive attention
from the 1930s through the 1950s in the Department of Sociology at Columbia, especially
from Merton and Lazarsfeld. The connection between their contributions (and of their
students Blau and Coleman, among others) and Durkheim is unmistakable. Hauser (1971, pp.
13-14) was the first to point out the influence of Columbia sociology on the later use of
contextual analysis (structural effects) in education.
One of Merton's elaborations of Durkheim appeared in his essay on deviance, "Social
Structure and Anomie" (1938), whose "primary aim is to discover how some social structures
exert a definite pressure upon certain persons in the society to engage in non-conformist
rather than conformist conduct" (p. 672; Merton's italics). The argument linked rates of behavior
to elements of social structure. The latter referred to conjunctions of "cultural goals"
(cultural structure, or values), and "institutional norms" (prescription, preference, permission,
proscription) as they applied to the means of pursuing legitimate objectives (p. 673). As to
conduct, where Durkheim stressed the external constraint of social facts, Merton recognized
normative constraint on the use of means and viewed conduct as "types of [role] adaptation"
(p. 676) to circumstances defined by culturally valued goals and institutionalized means. The
acceptance and/or rejection of such goals and means defined the five "modes of individual
adaptation" (conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion p. 676) of his familiar
typology. Individuals behave more like actors in Merton's scheme than in Durkheim's;
they cope in patterned ways with conjunctions and disjunctions between goals and means.
Merton dispensed with the idea of social current; variants of it (e.g., value community, ethos),
however, reappeared later in research on school effects.
About two decades after "Social Structure and Anomie" appeared, Merton (1957a) elabo






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Robert Dreeben
studi awal Blau kelompok kerja organisasi jatuh tepat dalam tradisi Durkheimian,
dengan utang juga untuk Weber dan Simmel. Studinya dari lembaga-lembaga publik dibedakan
dua macam kelompok kerja yang ditandai dengan orientasi nilai terhadap klien yang berlaku, diklasifikasikan
pekerja kasus sesuai dengan orientasi ini, dan dipastikan perilaku mereka dalam melayani klien.
Temuan menunjukkan bahwa nilai-nilai kelompok dipengaruhi perilaku ke arah yang sama antara individu-individu
yang baik mirip satu sama lain dan berbeda dalam orientasi mereka (1960, hal. 181), maka
efek struktural. Mekanisme mensyaratkan sanksi melalui interaksi sosial dalam pekerjaan
kelompok: layanan ala kadarnya kepada klien menerima celaan sosial, layanan khusus yang dibawa
. persetujuan dan penghormatan
Dalam "Efek Struktural," Blau (. 1955, 1960; Blau & Scott, 1962, hlm 87-115) dijelaskan
bagaimana unsur-unsur normatif dan interaktif iklim bersama-sama mempengaruhi perilaku. Formulasi nya
melibatkan pengamatan rinci sanksi, konsultasi, membantu, mengawasi, dan lainnya
kegiatan transpiring dari waktu ke waktu melalui interaksi pekerjaan sehari-hari, bukan hanya identifikasi
dari sifat kelompok dan karakteristik individu. Sebagai perlakuan pola konsultasi
dan aturan penegakan hukum dan kolegialitas dan otoritas di lembaga-lembaga publik menunjukkan
(1955), ia melihat kedua kesesuaian dengan dan pelanggaran norma-norma dalam rangka bagaimana otoritas
dilaksanakan dan dalam hubungan pekerja dengan atasan mereka dan mereka klien. Strategi konseptual
untuk mengobati efek struktural berbeda dari (1959) yang normatif istimewa Wilson
pengaruh sebagai mekanisme yang struktur dipengaruhi aspirasi.
THE COLUMBIA TRADISI
Zat
Hubungan antara struktur dan pola perilaku individu sosial mendapat perhatian luas
dari tahun 1930-an melalui tahun 1950-an di Departemen Sosiologi di Columbia, terutama
dari Merton dan Lazarsfeld. Hubungan antara kontribusi mereka (dan mereka
siswa Blau dan Coleman, antara lain) dan Durkheim adalah jelas. Hauser (1971, hlm.
13-14) adalah orang pertama yang menunjukkan pengaruh Columbia sosiologi pada penggunaan selanjutnya dari
analisis kontekstual (efek struktural) dalam pendidikan.
Salah satu elaborasi Merton Durkheim muncul dalam esainya pada penyimpangan, "Sosial
Struktur dan Anomie "(1938), yang" utama tujuannya adalah untuk menemukan bagaimana beberapa struktur sosial
mengerahkan tekanan yang pasti pada orang-orang tertentu dalam masyarakat untuk terlibat dalam non-konformis
melakukan daripada konvensional "(p 672;. miring Merton). Argumen terkait tingkat perilaku
elemen struktur sosial. Yang terakhir disebut konjungsi dari "tujuan budaya"
(struktur budaya, atau nilai-nilai), dan "norma kelembagaan" (resep, preferensi, izin,
pengasingan) karena mereka diterapkan pada sarana mengejar tujuan yang sah (hlm. 673). Untuk
melakukan, di mana Durkheim menekankan kendala eksternal fakta sosial, Merton diakui
kendala normatif pada penggunaan sarana dan dilihat perilaku sebagai "jenis [peran] adaptasi"
(hal. 676) dengan keadaan yang didefinisikan oleh tujuan budaya dihargai dan berarti dilembagakan . The
penerimaan dan / atau penolakan tujuan dan sarana tersebut didefinisikan lima "mode individu
adaptasi "(kesesuaian, inovasi, ritualisme, retreatism, dan pemberontakan p. 676) dari akrab
tipologi. Individu berperilaku lebih seperti aktor dalam skema Merton daripada di Durkheim,
. mereka mengatasi dengan cara berpola dengan konjungsi dan disjunctions antara tujuan dan sarana
Merton ditiadakan dengan ide saat sosial; varian itu (misalnya, masyarakat nilai, etos),
namun muncul kembali di kemudian penelitian tentang efek sekolah.
Sekitar dua dekade setelah "Struktur Sosial dan Anomie" muncul, Merton (1957a) elabo






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