This evidence has been disputed, however. ‘Excess’ micro-level returns terjemahan - This evidence has been disputed, however. ‘Excess’ micro-level returns Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

This evidence has been disputed, ho

This evidence has been disputed, however. ‘Excess’ micro-level returns apparently disappear when other factors, including company reorganization, are taken into account (David 2000).4 Robert Gordon (2000) presents macro evidence that computers and the Internet do not represent a dramatic leap forward in productivity outside the durables manufacturing sector. He disaggregates the recent uptick of 1.35 per cent in US TFP growth into 0.54 per cent of cyclical effects and 0.81 per cent of trend growth accounted for by the durable manufacturing sector—including computers, peripherals and telecommunications.5 In the 88 per cent of the private economy outside of durables, TFP growth has actually decelerated—suggesting that there is no evidence of a spillover effect from computers.

Looking at labour productivity over a slightly longer span, IT-intensive industries outside the IT sector itself are some of the worst performing.6 America’s TFP change has averaged around 4 per cent in mining over the 1987-97 period, compared to close to -4 per cent per year in the banking sector; this despite the fact that IT spending as a percentage of output was highest in banking amongst the industries covered and second lowest (after construction) in mining (Economist, 23 September 2000).7 This all suggests the ‘Solow paradox’—widespread evidence of computer use, little evidence of (widespread) productivity growth—continues, at least in modified form.

It should also be a concern that the share of ICTs in capital stock is fairly significant in a number of other OECD countries, and yet they have seen no increase in productivity. Broadly, the evidence from a recent study of OECD countries by Paul Schreyer (2000) finds that, as with the United States, ICT capital goods have seen rapid improvements in the ratio of price to performance and as a result there has been a significant substitution of ICT capital for other types of capital and labour inputs. ITC’s share of nominal productive capital stock increased from 2.4 to 3.2 per cent in France, 1.2 to 2.3 in Japan, and 3.6 to 5.2 in the UK in the 1985-96 period (compared to 6.2 to 7.4 in the US). However, there is no evidence that in the 1985-96 period there was the increase in TFP growth that would be expected in OECD countries if there were spillovers from ICT investment. The UK, with the second largest share of ICT in total capital stock behind the US, has actually seen a productivity slowdown in the last few years (Bank of England 1999).

Regarding the Internet in particular, the US productivity uptake’s timing was too early to be accounted for by e-commerce (contra Nezu 2000). In 1995, one estimate (from NUA, at www.nua.ie) suggests that sales generated by the WorldWideWeb in that year were but US$436 million. Even in 1998, e-transactions were only worth US$43 billion (Economist, 24 July 1999), or equivalent to 0.5 per cent of US GDP.8

Again, because of the broad definition of TFP, a number of other factors could be behind the recent improvement in economic performance and what limited uptick in TFP outside the durable manufacturing sector there might have been. Perhaps it is the result of the strong dollar, unrecorded increased labour, better monetary and fiscal policies, cheap commodities, the strength of Wall Street, low pressure on non-wage labour costs, the Asian crisis, or unsustainable corporate and consumer borrowing

For the future, there are many bold predictions. As a result of developing Internet-based applications for company procedures, Oracle plans to cut US$2 billion out of US$7 billion of global corporate expenses, for example (Economist, 11 November 2000). The empirical evidence to date has been less reassuring, however. Roberti (2001) notes that savings from companies that have moved earlier and more aggressively to the web have been smaller than expected. IBM, for example, bought US$27.7 billion dollars of goods electronically in the first three quarters of 2000 and saved but US$247 million (or a little under one per cent) by doing so. On the sales side, 66 million customer service transactions were handled via IBM.com, but the headcount in call centres has remained exactly the same.

More sober evaluations of the real potential gains to e-commerce might account for the collapse in e-commerce growth—between 1998 and the end of 2000, the FEI/Duke Corporate Outlook Survey (www.duke.edu/~jgraham) suggests that the percentage of sales made online by surveyed companies remained unchanged at 5 per cent.

All of this evidence suggests that the impact of the Internet to date at the micro level has been marginal. A specific example of a widely-used technology over which the Internet is but a marginal evolutionary advance is electronic data interchange (EDI). EDI systems use proprietary software to connect purchaser’s and suppliers’ computers to automate transaction and processing exchange. Such systems are already estimated to support about US$3 trillion in economic activity in the US alone. While Internet-based systems are estimated to have operating costs of about 1 per cent of EDI systems, the cost of conversion to Internet-based systems is itself high enough to have discouraged the bulk of EDI users from so far switching to the Internet (World Bank 2000). This suggests that the marginal improvement of using the Internet over EDI is in fact not that large.
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This evidence has been disputed, however. ‘Excess’ micro-level returns apparently disappear when other factors, including company reorganization, are taken into account (David 2000).4 Robert Gordon (2000) presents macro evidence that computers and the Internet do not represent a dramatic leap forward in productivity outside the durables manufacturing sector. He disaggregates the recent uptick of 1.35 per cent in US TFP growth into 0.54 per cent of cyclical effects and 0.81 per cent of trend growth accounted for by the durable manufacturing sector—including computers, peripherals and telecommunications.5 In the 88 per cent of the private economy outside of durables, TFP growth has actually decelerated—suggesting that there is no evidence of a spillover effect from computers.Looking at labour productivity over a slightly longer span, IT-intensive industries outside the IT sector itself are some of the worst performing.6 America’s TFP change has averaged around 4 per cent in mining over the 1987-97 period, compared to close to -4 per cent per year in the banking sector; this despite the fact that IT spending as a percentage of output was highest in banking amongst the industries covered and second lowest (after construction) in mining (Economist, 23 September 2000).7 This all suggests the ‘Solow paradox’—widespread evidence of computer use, little evidence of (widespread) productivity growth—continues, at least in modified form.It should also be a concern that the share of ICTs in capital stock is fairly significant in a number of other OECD countries, and yet they have seen no increase in productivity. Broadly, the evidence from a recent study of OECD countries by Paul Schreyer (2000) finds that, as with the United States, ICT capital goods have seen rapid improvements in the ratio of price to performance and as a result there has been a significant substitution of ICT capital for other types of capital and labour inputs. ITC’s share of nominal productive capital stock increased from 2.4 to 3.2 per cent in France, 1.2 to 2.3 in Japan, and 3.6 to 5.2 in the UK in the 1985-96 period (compared to 6.2 to 7.4 in the US). However, there is no evidence that in the 1985-96 period there was the increase in TFP growth that would be expected in OECD countries if there were spillovers from ICT investment. The UK, with the second largest share of ICT in total capital stock behind the US, has actually seen a productivity slowdown in the last few years (Bank of England 1999).Regarding the Internet in particular, the US productivity uptake’s timing was too early to be accounted for by e-commerce (contra Nezu 2000). In 1995, one estimate (from NUA, at www.nua.ie) suggests that sales generated by the WorldWideWeb in that year were but US$436 million. Even in 1998, e-transactions were only worth US$43 billion (Economist, 24 July 1999), or equivalent to 0.5 per cent of US GDP.8Again, because of the broad definition of TFP, a number of other factors could be behind the recent improvement in economic performance and what limited uptick in TFP outside the durable manufacturing sector there might have been. Perhaps it is the result of the strong dollar, unrecorded increased labour, better monetary and fiscal policies, cheap commodities, the strength of Wall Street, low pressure on non-wage labour costs, the Asian crisis, or unsustainable corporate and consumer borrowingFor the future, there are many bold predictions. As a result of developing Internet-based applications for company procedures, Oracle plans to cut US$2 billion out of US$7 billion of global corporate expenses, for example (Economist, 11 November 2000). The empirical evidence to date has been less reassuring, however. Roberti (2001) notes that savings from companies that have moved earlier and more aggressively to the web have been smaller than expected. IBM, for example, bought US$27.7 billion dollars of goods electronically in the first three quarters of 2000 and saved but US$247 million (or a little under one per cent) by doing so. On the sales side, 66 million customer service transactions were handled via IBM.com, but the headcount in call centres has remained exactly the same.More sober evaluations of the real potential gains to e-commerce might account for the collapse in e-commerce growth—between 1998 and the end of 2000, the FEI/Duke Corporate Outlook Survey (www.duke.edu/~jgraham) suggests that the percentage of sales made online by surveyed companies remained unchanged at 5 per cent.All of this evidence suggests that the impact of the Internet to date at the micro level has been marginal. A specific example of a widely-used technology over which the Internet is but a marginal evolutionary advance is electronic data interchange (EDI). EDI systems use proprietary software to connect purchaser’s and suppliers’ computers to automate transaction and processing exchange. Such systems are already estimated to support about US$3 trillion in economic activity in the US alone. While Internet-based systems are estimated to have operating costs of about 1 per cent of EDI systems, the cost of conversion to Internet-based systems is itself high enough to have discouraged the bulk of EDI users from so far switching to the Internet (World Bank 2000). This suggests that the marginal improvement of using the Internet over EDI is in fact not that large.
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Bukti ini telah diperdebatkan, namun. Kembali 'Kelebihan' tingkat mikro tampaknya menghilang ketika faktor-faktor lain, termasuk perusahaan reorganisasi, diperhitungkan (David 2000) 0,4 Robert Gordon (2000) menyajikan bukti makro yang komputer dan internet tidak mewakili lompatan dramatis maju dalam produktivitas luar sektor barang-barang manufaktur. Dia disaggregates uptick terbaru dari 1,35 persen pada pertumbuhan ekonomi AS TFP menjadi 0,54 persen dari efek siklis dan 0,81 persen dari pertumbuhan tren dicatat oleh manufaktur tahan lama sektor-termasuk komputer, periferal dan telecommunications.5 Dalam 88 persen dari ekonomi swasta di luar barang-barang, pertumbuhan TFP sebenarnya melambat-menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada bukti dari efek spillover dari komputer. Melihat produktivitas tenaga kerja selama rentang sedikit lebih panjang, industri IT-intensif di luar sektor TI itu sendiri adalah beberapa berkinerja terburuk 0,6 Amerika perubahan TFP telah rata-rata sekitar 4 persen di pertambangan selama periode 1987-1997, dibandingkan dengan dekat dengan -4 persen per tahun di sektor perbankan; ini meskipun fakta bahwa belanja TI sebagai persentase output tertinggi di perbankan antara industri tertutup dan kedua terendah (setelah konstruksi) di bidang pertambangan (Economist, 23 September 2000) 0,7 ini semua menunjukkan 'Solow bukti paradox'-luas menggunakan komputer, sedikit bukti (luas) produktivitas pertumbuhan berlanjut, setidaknya dalam bentuk modifikasi. Hal ini juga harus menjadi perhatian bahwa pangsa TIK modal cukup signifikan di sejumlah negara OECD lainnya, namun mereka telah melihat tidak ada peningkatan produktivitas. Secara umum, bukti dari sebuah penelitian terbaru dari OECD negara oleh Paul Schreyer (2000) menemukan bahwa, seperti dengan Amerika Serikat, barang modal ICT telah melihat peningkatan pesat dalam rasio harga terhadap kinerja dan sebagai hasilnya telah terjadi substitusi signifikan modal ICT untuk jenis lain modal dan tenaga kerja input. Share ITC dari modal saham yang produktif nominal meningkat 2,4-3,2 persen di Perancis, 1,2-2,3 di Jepang, dan 3,6-5,2 di Inggris pada 1985-1996 periode (dibandingkan dengan 6,2-7,4 di AS). Namun, tidak ada bukti bahwa pada periode 1985-1996 ada peningkatan pertumbuhan TFP yang akan diharapkan di negara-negara OECD jika ada spillovers dari investasi ICT. Inggris, dengan pangsa terbesar kedua ICT total modal saham di belakang Amerika Serikat, telah benar-benar melihat perlambatan produktivitas dalam beberapa tahun terakhir (Bank of England 1999). Mengenai Internet khususnya, waktu produktivitas serapan AS terlalu dini dipertanggungjawabkan oleh e-commerce (kontra Nezu 2000). Pada tahun 1995, salah satu perkiraan (dari NUA, di www.nua.ie) menunjukkan bahwa penjualan yang dihasilkan oleh WorldWideWeb di tahun yang tapi US $ 436.000.000. Bahkan pada tahun 1998, e-transaksi hanya senilai US $ 43 milyar (Economist, 24 Juli 1999), atau setara dengan 0,5 persen dari US GDP.8 Sekali lagi, karena definisi yang luas dari TFP, sejumlah faktor lain bisa balik peningkatan terbaru dalam kinerja ekonomi dan apa uptick terbatas dalam TFP luar sektor manufaktur tahan lama mungkin ada. Mungkin itu adalah hasil dari dolar yang kuat, peningkatan tenaga kerja yang tidak tercatat, kebijakan moneter dan fiskal yang lebih baik, komoditas murah, kekuatan Wall Street, tekanan rendah pada biaya tenaga kerja non-upah, krisis Asia, atau tidak berkelanjutan perusahaan dan konsumen pinjaman Untuk masa depan, ada banyak prediksi yang berani. Sebagai hasil dari pengembangan aplikasi berbasis internet untuk prosedur perusahaan, Oracle berencana untuk memotong US $ 2 miliar dari US $ 7 miliar dari biaya perusahaan global, misalnya (Economist, 11 November 2000). Bukti empiris sampai saat ini kurang meyakinkan, namun. Roberti (2001) mencatat bahwa tabungan dari perusahaan yang telah pindah lebih awal dan lebih agresif ke web menjadi lebih kecil dari yang diharapkan. IBM, misalnya, membeli US $ 27700000000 dolar barang elektronik di tiga kuartal pertama tahun 2000 dan disimpan tapi US $ 247 juta (atau sedikit di bawah satu persen) dengan melakukannya. Di sisi penjualan, 66 juta transaksi layanan pelanggan ditangani melalui IBM.com, tetapi headcount di call center tetap persis sama. Evaluasi Lebih mabuk dari potensi keuntungan nyata untuk e-commerce mungkin menjelaskan keruntuhan dalam e-commerce pertumbuhan antara tahun 1998 dan akhir tahun 2000, FEI / Duke Perusahaan Outlook Survey (www.duke.edu/~jgraham) menunjukkan bahwa persentase penjualan dilakukan secara online oleh perusahaan yang disurvei tetap tidak berubah pada 5 persen. Semua bukti ini menunjukkan bahwa dampak dari Internet sampai saat ini di tingkat mikro telah marginal. Sebuah contoh spesifik dari teknologi banyak digunakan di mana Internet adalah tetapi kemajuan evolusi marjinal adalah pertukaran data elektronik (EDI). Sistem EDI menggunakan software proprietary untuk menghubungkan komputer pembeli dan pemasok 'untuk mengotomatisasi transaksi dan pertukaran pengolahan. Sistem seperti ini sudah diperkirakan untuk mendukung sekitar US $ 3 triliun pada kegiatan ekonomi di Amerika Serikat saja. Sementara sistem berbasis internet yang diperkirakan memiliki biaya operasi sekitar 1 persen dari sistem EDI, biaya konversi ke sistem berbasis internet itu sendiri cukup tinggi untuk telah berkecil sebagian besar pengguna EDI dari sejauh beralih ke Internet (World Bank 2000). Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa peningkatan marjinal menggunakan Internet lebih EDI sebenarnya tidak yang besar.













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