Visits among Javanese family member

Visits among Javanese family members needed no previous appointment. Actually at could easily be done for although the telephone had not come into common use yet, one could alt send a servant with a letter asking for an appointment. But it was not done, it never occurred to one that a visit would not suit the other pary. It was always convenient. Unexpected visitors did not exist. The door was(and still is) always open. The visitors were welcomed with joyful courtesy and would be asked to take a seat. The host and hostess hurriedly withdrew to change into more suitable attire than their workaday clothes. Without asking, a servant brought in coffee or tea. Cookies were offered, while in the meantime the host and hostess had joined the party. There we sat, but nobody spoke We were not embarrassed by this silence, nobody felt nervous about it. Every now and then, thoughts and news there exchanged. But this was not really necessary We enjoyed being together, seeing each other again After the first exchange of news, any other communication was utterly redundant. If one did not have anything to say, there taus no need to recite platitudes.After an hour or so, the guests would ask permission to leave. With mutual feelings of satifaction, to parted. In smaller towns on the island of Java life is still like this.

U.S. anthropologist and popular author Edward T Hall distinguished cultures on the basis of their way of communicating along a dimension communication is one from high-context to low-context A high-context communication is one in which little has to be said or written because most of the information is either in the physical environment or supposed to be known by the persons involved, while very little is in the coded, explicit part of the message This type of communication is frequent in collectivist cultures; Hadjiwibowos family visit is a case example. A low-context communication is one in which the mass of information is vested in the explicit code, which is typical for individualist cultures. Many things that in collectivist cultures are selfevident must be said explicitly in individualist cultures. American business contracts are much longer than Japanese business contracts.

Next to harmony another important concept in connection with the collectivist family is shame. Individualist societies have been described as guilt cultures: persons who infringe upon the rules of society will often feel guilty ridden by an individually developed conscience that functions as a societies, on the contrary are shame cul- private inner Pilot Collectivist societirs, on the contrary, are shame cultures persons: belonging to a group from which a member has infringed upon the rules of society will feel ashamed, based on a sense of collective obligation. Shame is social in nature, guilt individual whether shame is felt depends on if the infringement has become known by others This becoming known is more of a source shame than the infring ement itself Such is not the case for guilt which is felt whether or not the misdeed is known by others One more concept bred in the collectivist family is face "Losing face," in the sense of being humiliated, is an expression that penetrated into the English language from the Chinese: the English had no equivalent for it. David Yau Fai Ho, a Hong Kong social scientist, defined it as follows: "Face is lost when the individual, either through bis action or that of people closely related to him, fails to meet essential requirements placed upon him by virtue of the social Position he occupies". The Chinese also speak of"giving someone face," in the sense of honor or prestige. Basically, face describes the proper relationship with one's social environment, which is as essential to a person(and that person's family) as the front part of his or her head. The importance of face is the consequence of living in a society very conscious of social contexts The languages of other collectivist cultures have words with more or less similar meanings. In Greece, for example, there is a word philotimo, Harry Triandis, a Greek-American Psychologist, has written.:

A person is philotimos to the ertent in which he conforms to the norms and values of hisin-group.These include a variety of sacrifices that are appropriate for members of one's family friends, and others toho are"concerned with one's welfare” for example, for a man to delay marriage until his sisters have married and hare been provided with a proper dowry is Part of the normative erpectations of traditional rurul Greekr as well as rural Indians(and many of the people in between).

In the individualist society the counterpart characteristic is self-respect. but this again is defined from the point of view of the individual, whereas face and phiotimo are defined from the point of view of the social environment.

Collectivist societies usually have ways of creating family-1ike ties with persons who are not biological relatives but who are socially integrated into one's in group. In Latin America, for example, this can be done via the institution of compadres and comadres who are treated as relatives even if they are not. In Japan younger sons in past times became apprentices to crafts masters through a form of adoption Similar customs existed in medieval central Europe.

Because families are so important in a collectivist society, selection of marriage Partners is a crucial event not only for the partners but also for both their families U.S. psychologist David Buss coordinated a survey study of criteria for selecting a potential marriage partner. His respondents were almost ten thousand young women and men, with an average age of twenty-three, from thirty-seven countries Universally desired characteristics for both future brides and future grooms were mutual love, kind- ness, emotional stability, intelligence, and health. Other characteristics varied between brides and grooms and across countries. Country differences were primarily related to individualism. In collectivist countries, men preferred future brides to be younger, and they put more stress on brides being wealthy industrious, and chaste. Women in collectivist countries wanted their future grooms to be older and wealthier, but the groom s industriousness to them played a smaller role, and the groom's ch none at all.

The men's desire for chastity in brides, however, depended even more on the countries' poverty than on their collectivism. This can be explained as follows: increasing affluence provides women with more educational opportunities (in any society, when education becomes first available, parents give priority to boys who are not needed around the house) With affluence, girls start to move around more freely and get more opportuni- ties for meeting boys It also gives people more living space and more privacy. Medical care and information improve, including know-how about contraception. Young people get more opportunities for sexual exploration, and sexual norms adapt to this situation.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Visits among Javanese family members needed no previous appointment. Actually at could easily be done for although the telephone had not come into common use yet, one could alt send a servant with a letter asking for an appointment. But it was not done, it never occurred to one that a visit would not suit the other pary. It was always convenient. Unexpected visitors did not exist. The door was(and still is) always open. The visitors were welcomed with joyful courtesy and would be asked to take a seat. The host and hostess hurriedly withdrew to change into more suitable attire than their workaday clothes. Without asking, a servant brought in coffee or tea. Cookies were offered, while in the meantime the host and hostess had joined the party. There we sat, but nobody spoke We were not embarrassed by this silence, nobody felt nervous about it. Every now and then, thoughts and news there exchanged. But this was not really necessary We enjoyed being together, seeing each other again After the first exchange of news, any other communication was utterly redundant. If one did not have anything to say, there taus no need to recite platitudes.After an hour or so, the guests would ask permission to leave. With mutual feelings of satifaction, to parted. In smaller towns on the island of Java life is still like this.Antropolog AS dan penulis populer Edward T Hall dibedakan budaya berdasarkan cara mereka berkomunikasi sepanjang dimensi komunikasi adalah salah satu dari tinggi-konteks untuk rendah-konteks komunikasi tinggi-konteks adalah satu di mana sedikit telah mengatakan atau menulis karena sebagian besar informasi yang baik di lingkungan fisik atau seharusnya diketahui oleh orang yang terlibat , sementara sangat sedikit di bagian yang dikodekan, eksplisit pesan jenis komunikasi sering dalam budaya kolektif; Kunjungan Keluarga Hadjiwibowos adalah contoh kasus. Rendah-konteks komunikasi adalah salah satu di mana massa informasi dipegang kode eksplisit, yang khas untuk budaya individualis. Banyak hal yang dalam budaya kolektif selfevident harus mengatakan secara eksplisit dalam budaya individualis. Kontrak bisnis Amerika lebih lama daripada kontrak bisnis Jepang.Next to harmony another important concept in connection with the collectivist family is shame. Individualist societies have been described as guilt cultures: persons who infringe upon the rules of society will often feel guilty ridden by an individually developed conscience that functions as a societies, on the contrary are shame cul- private inner Pilot Collectivist societirs, on the contrary, are shame cultures persons: belonging to a group from which a member has infringed upon the rules of society will feel ashamed, based on a sense of collective obligation. Shame is social in nature, guilt individual whether shame is felt depends on if the infringement has become known by others This becoming known is more of a source shame than the infring ement itself Such is not the case for guilt which is felt whether or not the misdeed is known by others One more concept bred in the collectivist family is face "Losing face," in the sense of being humiliated, is an expression that penetrated into the English language from the Chinese: the English had no equivalent for it. David Yau Fai Ho, a Hong Kong social scientist, defined it as follows: "Face is lost when the individual, either through bis action or that of people closely related to him, fails to meet essential requirements placed upon him by virtue of the social Position he occupies". The Chinese also speak of"giving someone face," in the sense of honor or prestige. Basically, face describes the proper relationship with one's social environment, which is as essential to a person(and that person's family) as the front part of his or her head. The importance of face is the consequence of living in a society very conscious of social contexts The languages of other collectivist cultures have words with more or less similar meanings. In Greece, for example, there is a word philotimo, Harry Triandis, a Greek-American Psychologist, has written.:A person is philotimos to the ertent in which he conforms to the norms and values of hisin-group.These include a variety of sacrifices that are appropriate for members of one's family friends, and others toho are"concerned with one's welfare” for example, for a man to delay marriage until his sisters have married and hare been provided with a proper dowry is Part of the normative erpectations of traditional rurul Greekr as well as rural Indians(and many of the people in between).In the individualist society the counterpart characteristic is self-respect. but this again is defined from the point of view of the individual, whereas face and phiotimo are defined from the point of view of the social environment. Collectivist societies usually have ways of creating family-1ike ties with persons who are not biological relatives but who are socially integrated into one's in group. In Latin America, for example, this can be done via the institution of compadres and comadres who are treated as relatives even if they are not. In Japan younger sons in past times became apprentices to crafts masters through a form of adoption Similar customs existed in medieval central Europe. Because families are so important in a collectivist society, selection of marriage Partners is a crucial event not only for the partners but also for both their families U.S. psychologist David Buss coordinated a survey study of criteria for selecting a potential marriage partner. His respondents were almost ten thousand young women and men, with an average age of twenty-three, from thirty-seven countries Universally desired characteristics for both future brides and future grooms were mutual love, kind- ness, emotional stability, intelligence, and health. Other characteristics varied between brides and grooms and across countries. Country differences were primarily related to individualism. In collectivist countries, men preferred future brides to be younger, and they put more stress on brides being wealthy industrious, and chaste. Women in collectivist countries wanted their future grooms to be older and wealthier, but the groom s industriousness to them played a smaller role, and the groom's ch none at all. The men's desire for chastity in brides, however, depended even more on the countries' poverty than on their collectivism. This can be explained as follows: increasing affluence provides women with more educational opportunities (in any society, when education becomes first available, parents give priority to boys who are not needed around the house) With affluence, girls start to move around more freely and get more opportuni- ties for meeting boys It also gives people more living space and more privacy. Medical care and information improve, including know-how about contraception. Young people get more opportunities for sexual exploration, and sexual norms adapt to this situation.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

Kunjungan di antara anggota keluarga Jawa tidak membutuhkan janji sebelumnya. Sebenarnya di dapat dengan mudah dilakukan karena meskipun telepon tidak datang ke dalam penggunaan umum namun, salah satu bisa alt mengirim seorang hamba dengan surat meminta janji. Tapi hal itu tidak dilakukan, tidak pernah terpikir salah satu yang dikunjungi tidak akan sesuai dengan pary lainnya. Itu selalu nyaman. Pengunjung yang tak terduga tidak ada. Pintu itu (dan masih) selalu terbuka. Para pengunjung disambut dengan sopan menyenangkan dan akan diminta untuk duduk. Host dan nyonya rumah buru-buru menarik diri untuk berubah menjadi lebih pakaian yang cocok dari pakaian sehari-hari mereka. Tanpa bertanya, seorang hamba membawa kopi atau teh. Cookie yang ditawarkan, sementara sementara itu tuan dan nyonya rumah telah bergabung dengan partai. Ada kami duduk, tapi tak seorang pun berbicara Kami tidak malu dengan keheningan ini, tidak ada yang merasa gugup tentang hal itu. Sesekali, pikiran dan berita ada dipertukarkan. Tapi ini tidak benar-benar diperlukan Kami menikmati berada bersama-sama, melihat satu sama lain lagi Setelah pertukaran pertama berita, komunikasi lainnya adalah benar-benar berlebihan. Jika salah satu tidak memiliki sesuatu untuk dikatakan, ada Taus tidak perlu membaca platitudes.After satu jam atau lebih, para tamu akan meminta izin untuk meninggalkan. Dengan perasaan saling kepuasan, untuk berpisah. Di kota-kota kecil di pulau kehidupan Jawa masih seperti ini. AS antropolog dan penulis populer Edward T Balai budaya dibedakan atas dasar cara mereka berkomunikasi sepanjang komunikasi dimensi merupakan salah satu dari tinggi-konteks untuk konteks rendah A-konteks tinggi komunikasi adalah satu di mana kecil harus dikatakan atau ditulis karena sebagian besar informasi yang baik dalam lingkungan fisik atau seharusnya diketahui oleh orang yang terlibat, sementara sangat sedikit dalam kode, bagian yang eksplisit dari pesan Jenis komunikasi sering terjadi dalam budaya kolektivis; Hadjiwibowos kunjungan keluarga adalah contoh kasus. Sebuah komunikasi konteks rendah adalah satu di mana massa informasi dipegang kode eksplisit, yang khas untuk budaya individualis. Banyak hal yang dalam budaya kolektivis yang selfevident harus dikatakan secara eksplisit dalam budaya individualis. Kontrak bisnis Amerika yang jauh lebih lama dari kontrak bisnis Jepang. Berikutnya ke harmoni konsep penting lain sehubungan dengan keluarga kolektivis adalah rasa malu. Masyarakat individualis telah digambarkan sebagai rasa bersalah budaya: orang yang melanggar aturan masyarakat akan sering merasa bersalah ditunggangi oleh hati nurani dikembangkan secara individu yang berfungsi sebagai masyarakat, sebaliknya adalah rasa malu kultur dalam societirs Percontohan kolektivis pribadi, sebaliknya, adalah budaya malu orang: milik kelompok yang anggota telah dilanggar aturan masyarakat akan merasa malu, berdasarkan rasa kewajiban kolektif. Malu adalah sosial di alam, rasa bersalah individu apakah malu dirasakan tergantung pada apakah pelanggaran telah menjadi dikenal oleh orang lain ini menjadi dikenal lebih dari rasa malu sumber dari infring ement sendiri seperti ini tidak terjadi untuk rasa bersalah yang dirasakan atau tidaknya kelakuan buruk yang diketahui oleh orang lain Salah satu konsep yang lebih dibesarkan dalam keluarga kolektivis wajah "Kehilangan muka," dalam arti yang dipermalukan, adalah ekspresi yang menembus ke dalam bahasa Inggris dari Cina: Inggris tidak setara untuk itu. David Yau Fai Ho, seorang ilmuwan sosial Hong Kong, didefinisikan sebagai berikut: "Wajah hilang ketika individu, baik melalui tindakan bis atau bahwa orang yang berhubungan erat dengan dia, gagal memenuhi persyaratan penting ditempatkan kepadanya berdasarkan sosial Posisi dia menempati ". Cina juga berbicara tentang "memberi wajah seseorang," dalam arti kehormatan atau prestise. Pada dasarnya, wajah menggambarkan hubungan yang tepat dengan lingkungan sosial seseorang, yang adalah sebagai penting untuk orang (dan keluarga orang itu) sebagai bagian depan kepala nya. Pentingnya wajah adalah konsekuensi dari hidup dalam masyarakat yang sangat sadar konteks sosial Bahasa budaya kolektivis lainnya memiliki kata-kata dengan arti yang kurang lebih serupa. Di Yunani, misalnya, ada philotimo kata, Harry Triandis, Yunani-Amerika Psikolog, telah menulis .: Seseorang philotimos ke ertent di mana ia sesuai dengan norma-norma dan nilai-nilai dari hisin-group.These termasuk varietas pengorbanan yang sesuai untuk anggota teman keluarga seseorang, dan lain-lain Toho yang "prihatin dengan kesejahteraan seseorang" misalnya, bagi seorang pria untuk menunda pernikahan sampai saudara perempuannya telah menikah dan kelinci telah disediakan dengan mahar yang tepat adalah Bagian dari erpectations normatif dari rurul tradisional Greekr serta India pedesaan (dan banyak orang di antara). Dalam masyarakat individualis karakteristik rekan adalah harga diri. tapi ini lagi didefinisikan dari sudut pandang individu, sedangkan wajah dan phiotimo adalah didefinisikan dari sudut pandang lingkungan sosial. masyarakat kolektivis biasanya memiliki cara menciptakan ikatan keluarga-1ike dengan orang yang bukan kerabat biologis tetapi yang terintegrasi secara sosial menjadi satu yang ada di kelompok. Di Amerika Latin, misalnya, ini bisa dilakukan melalui lembaga compadres dan Comadres yang diperlakukan sebagai saudara bahkan jika mereka tidak. Di Jepang anak muda di masa lalu menjadi magang untuk kerajinan master melalui bentuk adopsi kebiasaan serupa ada di Eropa tengah abad pertengahan. Karena keluarga sangat penting dalam masyarakat kolektivis, pemilihan Mitra pernikahan adalah peristiwa penting tidak hanya untuk mitra tetapi juga untuk kedua keluarga mereka psikolog AS David Buss dikoordinasikan studi survei kriteria untuk memilih pasangan hidup potensial. Responden nya hampir sepuluh ribu perempuan dan laki-laki muda, dengan usia rata-rata dua puluh tiga, 30-7 negara Universal diinginkan karakteristik untuk kedua pengantin masa depan dan calon pengantin pria masa depan yang saling mencintai, kebaikan hati, kestabilan emosi, kecerdasan, dan kesehatan . Karakteristik lainnya bervariasi antara mempelai wanita dan pria dan di seluruh negara. Perbedaan negara yang terutama terkait dengan individualisme. Di negara-negara kolektivis, pria lebih suka pengantin masa depan menjadi lebih muda, dan mereka menempatkan lebih banyak tekanan pada pengantin menjadi kaya rajin, dan suci. Perempuan di negara-negara kolektivis ingin masa depan mereka calon pengantin pria lebih tua dan kaya, tapi pengantin pria s kerajinan mereka memainkan peran yang lebih kecil, dan pengantin pria ch tidak sama sekali. Keinginan pria untuk kesucian di pengantin, bagaimanapun, tergantung lebih pada negara-negara 'kemiskinan dari pada kolektivisme mereka. Hal ini dapat dijelaskan sebagai berikut: meningkatkan kemakmuran menyediakan wanita dengan kesempatan pendidikan yang lebih (dalam masyarakat apapun, ketika pendidikan menjadi pertama yang tersedia, orang tua memberikan prioritas kepada anak laki-laki yang tidak diperlukan di sekitar rumah) Dengan kemakmuran, gadis mulai bergerak lebih bebas dan mendapatkan hubungan yang lebih opportuni- untuk memenuhi anak laki-laki ini juga memberikan ruang hidup orang lebih dan lebih privasi. Perawatan medis dan informasi meningkatkan, termasuk pengetahuan tentang kontrasepsi. Orang muda mendapatkan lebih banyak kesempatan untuk eksplorasi seksual, dan norma-norma seksual beradaptasi dengan situasi ini.