- Teks
- Sejarah
Studies assessing potential differe
Studies assessing potential differences between children of lesbian and gay parents, on the one hand,
and children of heterosexual parents, on the other,
have sometimes included assessments of children's
social relationships. The most common focus of
attention has been on peer relations, but some information about children's relationships with adults
has also been collected. Research findings that
address the likelihood of sexual abuse are also summarized in this section.
Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983, 1997), by Green and his colleagues (1978, 1986), and by Patterson (1994a).
Reports by both parents and children suggest typical
patterns of development of peer relationships. For
example, as would be expected, most school-aged
children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al.,
1983; Green, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). The quality of
children's peer relations was described, on average,
in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al.,
1983) as well as by mothers and their children
(Green et al., 1986; Golombok et al., 1997).
Although some children have described encounters
with anti-gay remarks from peers (Gartrell et al.,
2005), young adult offspring of divorced lesbian
mothers did not recall being the targets of any more
childhood teasing or victimization than did the offspring of divorced heterosexual mothers (Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). The number and quality of
adolescents' and young adults' romantic relationships has also been found to be unrelated to maternal sexual orientation (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al., 2004). No data on the children of
gay fathers have been reported in this area.
Studies of the relationships with adults among the
childrenof lesbian and gay parents have also resultedin a generallypositive picture (Brewaeys et al.,
1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner,
1985/86;Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Wainright et al.,
2004). For example, adolescent relationships with
their parents have been described as equally warm
and caring, regardless of whether parents have
same- or opposite-sex partners (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found
that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more
likely to have had recent contact with their fathers
than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in
this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and
Turner (1985/86) studied the children of gay fathers,
as well as those of lesbian mothers, and reported
that parent–child relationships were described in
positive terms. One significant difference was that
heterosexual parents were more likely than lesbian
and gay parents to say that their children's visits
with the other parent presented problems for them
(Harris & Turner, 1985/86). Another significant difference was that young adult offspring of divorced
lesbian mothers described themselves as communicating more openly with their mothers and with
their mothers' current partners than did adult children of divorced heterosexual parents (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Research has also focused on children's contacts with
members of the extended family, especially grandparents. Parents are often facilitators and gatekeepers of
contact between generations in families. Because
grandparents are generally seen as supportive of their
grandchildren, any strains in parents' relationships
with grandparents might have adverse effects on the
frequency of children's contacts with grandparents,
and hence also have a negative impact on grandchildren's development. Patterson and her colleagues
have evaluated these possibilities in two separate
studies (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al., 1998). Their findings revealed that
most children of lesbian mothers were described as
being in regular contact with grandparents (Patterson
et al., 1998). In a recent study based on a systematic
sampling frame in which lesbian and heterosexual
parent families were well-matched on demographic
characteristics, there were no differences in the frequency ofcontactwith grandparents as a function of
parental sexual orientation (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell and her colleagues (2000) have also reported
that grandparents were very likely to acknowledge the
children of lesbian daughters as grandchildren. Thus,
available evidence suggests that, contrary to popular
concerns, intergenerational relationships in lesbian
mother families are satisfactory.
Children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers have also been assessed (Fulcher et al.,
2002; Golombok et al., 1983; Patterson et al., 1998).
All of the children were described as having contact
with adult friends of their mothers, and most lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a
mixture of homosexual and heterosexual individuals. Children of lesbian mothers were no less likely
than those of heterosexual mothers to be in contact
with adult men who were friends of their mothers
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
and children of heterosexual parents, on the other,
have sometimes included assessments of children's
social relationships. The most common focus of
attention has been on peer relations, but some information about children's relationships with adults
has also been collected. Research findings that
address the likelihood of sexual abuse are also summarized in this section.
Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983, 1997), by Green and his colleagues (1978, 1986), and by Patterson (1994a).
Reports by both parents and children suggest typical
patterns of development of peer relationships. For
example, as would be expected, most school-aged
children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al.,
1983; Green, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). The quality of
children's peer relations was described, on average,
in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al.,
1983) as well as by mothers and their children
(Green et al., 1986; Golombok et al., 1997).
Although some children have described encounters
with anti-gay remarks from peers (Gartrell et al.,
2005), young adult offspring of divorced lesbian
mothers did not recall being the targets of any more
childhood teasing or victimization than did the offspring of divorced heterosexual mothers (Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). The number and quality of
adolescents' and young adults' romantic relationships has also been found to be unrelated to maternal sexual orientation (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al., 2004). No data on the children of
gay fathers have been reported in this area.
Studies of the relationships with adults among the
childrenof lesbian and gay parents have also resultedin a generallypositive picture (Brewaeys et al.,
1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner,
1985/86;Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Wainright et al.,
2004). For example, adolescent relationships with
their parents have been described as equally warm
and caring, regardless of whether parents have
same- or opposite-sex partners (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found
that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more
likely to have had recent contact with their fathers
than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in
this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and
Turner (1985/86) studied the children of gay fathers,
as well as those of lesbian mothers, and reported
that parent–child relationships were described in
positive terms. One significant difference was that
heterosexual parents were more likely than lesbian
and gay parents to say that their children's visits
with the other parent presented problems for them
(Harris & Turner, 1985/86). Another significant difference was that young adult offspring of divorced
lesbian mothers described themselves as communicating more openly with their mothers and with
their mothers' current partners than did adult children of divorced heterosexual parents (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Research has also focused on children's contacts with
members of the extended family, especially grandparents. Parents are often facilitators and gatekeepers of
contact between generations in families. Because
grandparents are generally seen as supportive of their
grandchildren, any strains in parents' relationships
with grandparents might have adverse effects on the
frequency of children's contacts with grandparents,
and hence also have a negative impact on grandchildren's development. Patterson and her colleagues
have evaluated these possibilities in two separate
studies (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al., 1998). Their findings revealed that
most children of lesbian mothers were described as
being in regular contact with grandparents (Patterson
et al., 1998). In a recent study based on a systematic
sampling frame in which lesbian and heterosexual
parent families were well-matched on demographic
characteristics, there were no differences in the frequency ofcontactwith grandparents as a function of
parental sexual orientation (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell and her colleagues (2000) have also reported
that grandparents were very likely to acknowledge the
children of lesbian daughters as grandchildren. Thus,
available evidence suggests that, contrary to popular
concerns, intergenerational relationships in lesbian
mother families are satisfactory.
Children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers have also been assessed (Fulcher et al.,
2002; Golombok et al., 1983; Patterson et al., 1998).
All of the children were described as having contact
with adult friends of their mothers, and most lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a
mixture of homosexual and heterosexual individuals. Children of lesbian mothers were no less likely
than those of heterosexual mothers to be in contact
with adult men who were friends of their mothers
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
0/5000
Studies assessing potential differences between children of lesbian and gay parents, on the one hand,
and children of heterosexual parents, on the other,
have sometimes included assessments of children's
social relationships. The most common focus of
attention has been on peer relations, but some information about children's relationships with adults
has also been collected. Research findings that
address the likelihood of sexual abuse are also summarized in this section.
Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983, 1997), by Green and his colleagues (1978, 1986), and by Patterson (1994a).
Reports by both parents and children suggest typical
patterns of development of peer relationships. For
example, as would be expected, most school-aged
children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al.,
1983; Green, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). The quality of
children's peer relations was described, on average,
in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al.,
1983) as well as by mothers and their children
(Green et al., 1986; Golombok et al., 1997).
Although some children have described encounters
with anti-gay remarks from peers (Gartrell et al.,
2005), young adult offspring of divorced lesbian
mothers did not recall being the targets of any more
childhood teasing or victimization than did the offspring of divorced heterosexual mothers (Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). The number and quality of
adolescents' and young adults' romantic relationships has also been found to be unrelated to maternal sexual orientation (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al., 2004). No data on the children of
gay fathers have been reported in this area.
Studies of the relationships with adults among the
childrenof lesbian and gay parents have also resultedin a generallypositive picture (Brewaeys et al.,
1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner,
1985/86;Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Wainright et al.,
2004). For example, adolescent relationships with
their parents have been described as equally warm
and caring, regardless of whether parents have
same- or opposite-sex partners (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found
that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more
likely to have had recent contact with their fathers
than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in
this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and
Turner (1985/86) studied the children of gay fathers,
as well as those of lesbian mothers, and reported
that parent–child relationships were described in
positive terms. One significant difference was that
heterosexual parents were more likely than lesbian
and gay parents to say that their children's visits
with the other parent presented problems for them
(Harris & Turner, 1985/86). Another significant difference was that young adult offspring of divorced
lesbian mothers described themselves as communicating more openly with their mothers and with
their mothers' current partners than did adult children of divorced heterosexual parents (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Research has also focused on children's contacts with
members of the extended family, especially grandparents. Parents are often facilitators and gatekeepers of
contact between generations in families. Because
grandparents are generally seen as supportive of their
grandchildren, any strains in parents' relationships
with grandparents might have adverse effects on the
frequency of children's contacts with grandparents,
and hence also have a negative impact on grandchildren's development. Patterson and her colleagues
have evaluated these possibilities in two separate
studies (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al., 1998). Their findings revealed that
most children of lesbian mothers were described as
being in regular contact with grandparents (Patterson
et al., 1998). In a recent study based on a systematic
sampling frame in which lesbian and heterosexual
parent families were well-matched on demographic
characteristics, there were no differences in the frequency ofcontactwith grandparents as a function of
parental sexual orientation (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell and her colleagues (2000) have also reported
that grandparents were very likely to acknowledge the
children of lesbian daughters as grandchildren. Thus,
available evidence suggests that, contrary to popular
concerns, intergenerational relationships in lesbian
mother families are satisfactory.
Children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers have also been assessed (Fulcher et al.,
2002; Golombok et al., 1983; Patterson et al., 1998).
All of the children were described as having contact
with adult friends of their mothers, and most lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a
mixture of homosexual and heterosexual individuals. Children of lesbian mothers were no less likely
than those of heterosexual mothers to be in contact
with adult men who were friends of their mothers
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
and children of heterosexual parents, on the other,
have sometimes included assessments of children's
social relationships. The most common focus of
attention has been on peer relations, but some information about children's relationships with adults
has also been collected. Research findings that
address the likelihood of sexual abuse are also summarized in this section.
Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983, 1997), by Green and his colleagues (1978, 1986), and by Patterson (1994a).
Reports by both parents and children suggest typical
patterns of development of peer relationships. For
example, as would be expected, most school-aged
children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al.,
1983; Green, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). The quality of
children's peer relations was described, on average,
in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al.,
1983) as well as by mothers and their children
(Green et al., 1986; Golombok et al., 1997).
Although some children have described encounters
with anti-gay remarks from peers (Gartrell et al.,
2005), young adult offspring of divorced lesbian
mothers did not recall being the targets of any more
childhood teasing or victimization than did the offspring of divorced heterosexual mothers (Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). The number and quality of
adolescents' and young adults' romantic relationships has also been found to be unrelated to maternal sexual orientation (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al., 2004). No data on the children of
gay fathers have been reported in this area.
Studies of the relationships with adults among the
childrenof lesbian and gay parents have also resultedin a generallypositive picture (Brewaeys et al.,
1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner,
1985/86;Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Wainright et al.,
2004). For example, adolescent relationships with
their parents have been described as equally warm
and caring, regardless of whether parents have
same- or opposite-sex partners (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found
that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more
likely to have had recent contact with their fathers
than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in
this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and
Turner (1985/86) studied the children of gay fathers,
as well as those of lesbian mothers, and reported
that parent–child relationships were described in
positive terms. One significant difference was that
heterosexual parents were more likely than lesbian
and gay parents to say that their children's visits
with the other parent presented problems for them
(Harris & Turner, 1985/86). Another significant difference was that young adult offspring of divorced
lesbian mothers described themselves as communicating more openly with their mothers and with
their mothers' current partners than did adult children of divorced heterosexual parents (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Research has also focused on children's contacts with
members of the extended family, especially grandparents. Parents are often facilitators and gatekeepers of
contact between generations in families. Because
grandparents are generally seen as supportive of their
grandchildren, any strains in parents' relationships
with grandparents might have adverse effects on the
frequency of children's contacts with grandparents,
and hence also have a negative impact on grandchildren's development. Patterson and her colleagues
have evaluated these possibilities in two separate
studies (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al., 1998). Their findings revealed that
most children of lesbian mothers were described as
being in regular contact with grandparents (Patterson
et al., 1998). In a recent study based on a systematic
sampling frame in which lesbian and heterosexual
parent families were well-matched on demographic
characteristics, there were no differences in the frequency ofcontactwith grandparents as a function of
parental sexual orientation (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell and her colleagues (2000) have also reported
that grandparents were very likely to acknowledge the
children of lesbian daughters as grandchildren. Thus,
available evidence suggests that, contrary to popular
concerns, intergenerational relationships in lesbian
mother families are satisfactory.
Children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers have also been assessed (Fulcher et al.,
2002; Golombok et al., 1983; Patterson et al., 1998).
All of the children were described as having contact
with adult friends of their mothers, and most lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a
mixture of homosexual and heterosexual individuals. Children of lesbian mothers were no less likely
than those of heterosexual mothers to be in contact
with adult men who were friends of their mothers
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
Studi menilai perbedaan potensial antara anak orang tua lesbian dan gay, di satu sisi,
dan anak-anak dari orang tua heteroseksual, di sisi lain,
kadang-kadang termasuk penilaian dari anak-anak
hubungan sosial. Fokus yang paling umum dari
perhatian telah di hubungan sebaya, namun beberapa informasi tentang hubungan anak dengan orang dewasa
juga telah dikumpulkan. Temuan penelitian yang
membahas kemungkinan pelecehan seksual juga diringkas dalam bagian ini.
Penelitian tentang hubungan rekan antara anak-anak dari ibu yang lesbian telah dilaporkan oleh Golombok dan rekan-rekannya (1983, 1997), oleh Green dan rekan-rekannya (1978, 1986), dan oleh Patterson (1994a).
Laporan oleh kedua orang tua dan anak-anak menunjukkan khas
pola pengembangan hubungan sebaya. Sebagai
contoh, seperti yang diharapkan, sebagian besar usia sekolah
anak dilaporkan sesama jenis sahabat dan sebagian besar kelompok sebaya sesama jenis (Golombok et al,.
1983; Hijau, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). Kualitas
hubungan teman sebaya anak-anak dijelaskan, rata-rata,
dalam hal positif oleh para peneliti (Golombok et al,.
serta ibu-ibu dan anak-anak mereka 1983)
(Green et al, 1986;. Golombok et al, 1997.).
Meskipun beberapa anak telah dijelaskan pertemuan
dengan komentar anti-gay dari rekan-rekan (Gartrell et al.,
2005), keturunan dewasa muda lesbian bercerai
ibu tidak ingat menjadi sasaran lagi
menggoda anak-anak atau korban daripada keturunan ibu heteroseksual bercerai ( Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). Jumlah dan kualitas
remaja dan dewasa muda 'hubungan romantis juga telah ditemukan tidak terkait dengan orientasi seksual ibu (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al, 2004.). Tidak ada data tentang anak-anak
ayah gay telah dilaporkan di daerah ini.
Studi tentang hubungan dengan orang dewasa antara
lesbian dan gay tua childrenof juga resultedin gambar generallypositive (Brewaeys et al,.
1997; Golombok et al, 1983;. Harris & Turner,
1985-1986;. Kirkpatrick et al, 1981;. Wainright et al,
2004). Sebagai contoh, hubungan remaja dengan
orang tua mereka telah digambarkan sebagai sama-sama hangat
dan penuh perhatian, terlepas dari apakah orang tua memiliki
mitra sama-atau lawan jenis (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok dan rekan-rekannya (1983) menemukan
bahwa anak-anak dari ibu lesbian bercerai lebih
mungkin untuk memiliki kontak terakhir dengan ayah mereka
daripada anak-anak dari ibu heteroseksual bercerai. Studi lain, bagaimanapun, tidak menemukan perbedaan dalam
hal ini (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris dan
Turner (1985-1986) mempelajari anak-anak ayah gay,
serta orang-orang dari ibu lesbian, dan melaporkan
bahwa hubungan orangtua-anak yang digambarkan dalam
hal yang positif. Salah satu perbedaan yang signifikan adalah bahwa
orang tua heteroseksual lebih mungkin dibandingkan lesbian
orang tua dan gay mengatakan bahwa kunjungan anak-anak mereka
dengan orang tua lainnya disajikan masalah bagi mereka
(Harris & Turner, 1985-1986). Perbedaan lain yang signifikan adalah bahwa anak dewasa muda bercerai
ibu lesbian menggambarkan diri mereka sebagai komunikasi lebih terbuka dengan ibu mereka dan dengan
mitra saat ibu mereka daripada anak-anak dewasa dari bercerai orang tua heteroseksual (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Penelitian juga telah difokuskan pada anak-anak kontak dengan
anggota keluarga, terutama kakek-nenek. Orang tua sering fasilitator dan gatekeeper dari
kontak antara generasi dalam keluarga. Karena
kakek-nenek umumnya dipandang sebagai mendukung mereka
cucu, setiap strain dalam hubungan orang tua
dengan kakek-nenek mungkin memiliki efek buruk pada
frekuensi kontak anak-anak dengan kakek-nenek,
dan karenanya juga memiliki dampak negatif pada perkembangan cucu. Patterson dan rekan-rekannya
telah dievaluasi kemungkinan ini dalam dua terpisah
studi (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al, 1998.). Temuan mereka menunjukkan bahwa
kebanyakan anak-anak dari ibu-ibu lesbian digambarkan sebagai
berada dalam kontak teratur dengan kakek-nenek (Patterson
et al., 1998). Dalam penelitian terbaru berdasarkan sistematis
kerangka sampling yang lesbian dan heteroseksual
keluarga orang tua yang cocok pada demografi
karakteristik, tidak ada perbedaan dalam frekuensi ofcontactwith kakek sebagai fungsi dari
orientasi seksual orangtua (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell dan rekan-rekannya (2000) juga melaporkan
bahwa kakek-nenek yang sangat mungkin untuk mengakui
anak-anak putri lesbian sebagai cucu. Dengan demikian,
bukti yang ada menunjukkan bahwa, bertentangan dengan populer
keprihatinan, hubungan antargenerasi dalam lesbian
keluarga ibu yang memuaskan.
kontak anak dengan teman-teman dewasa ibu lesbian mereka juga telah dinilai (Fulcher et al,.
2002; Golombok et al, 1983;. Patterson et al., 1998).
Semua anak digambarkan memiliki kontak
dengan teman-teman dewasa ibu mereka, dan sebagian besar ibu-ibu lesbian melaporkan bahwa teman-teman mereka dewasa adalah
campuran homoseksual dan heteroseksual individu. Anak-anak dari ibu lesbian tidak kurang cenderung
dibandingkan dengan ibu heteroseksual untuk berhubungan
dengan laki-laki dewasa yang teman-teman dari ibu mereka
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
dan anak-anak dari orang tua heteroseksual, di sisi lain,
kadang-kadang termasuk penilaian dari anak-anak
hubungan sosial. Fokus yang paling umum dari
perhatian telah di hubungan sebaya, namun beberapa informasi tentang hubungan anak dengan orang dewasa
juga telah dikumpulkan. Temuan penelitian yang
membahas kemungkinan pelecehan seksual juga diringkas dalam bagian ini.
Penelitian tentang hubungan rekan antara anak-anak dari ibu yang lesbian telah dilaporkan oleh Golombok dan rekan-rekannya (1983, 1997), oleh Green dan rekan-rekannya (1978, 1986), dan oleh Patterson (1994a).
Laporan oleh kedua orang tua dan anak-anak menunjukkan khas
pola pengembangan hubungan sebaya. Sebagai
contoh, seperti yang diharapkan, sebagian besar usia sekolah
anak dilaporkan sesama jenis sahabat dan sebagian besar kelompok sebaya sesama jenis (Golombok et al,.
1983; Hijau, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). Kualitas
hubungan teman sebaya anak-anak dijelaskan, rata-rata,
dalam hal positif oleh para peneliti (Golombok et al,.
serta ibu-ibu dan anak-anak mereka 1983)
(Green et al, 1986;. Golombok et al, 1997.).
Meskipun beberapa anak telah dijelaskan pertemuan
dengan komentar anti-gay dari rekan-rekan (Gartrell et al.,
2005), keturunan dewasa muda lesbian bercerai
ibu tidak ingat menjadi sasaran lagi
menggoda anak-anak atau korban daripada keturunan ibu heteroseksual bercerai ( Tasker &
Golombok, 1995, 1997). Jumlah dan kualitas
remaja dan dewasa muda 'hubungan romantis juga telah ditemukan tidak terkait dengan orientasi seksual ibu (Tasker & Golombok, 1997;
Wainright et al, 2004.). Tidak ada data tentang anak-anak
ayah gay telah dilaporkan di daerah ini.
Studi tentang hubungan dengan orang dewasa antara
lesbian dan gay tua childrenof juga resultedin gambar generallypositive (Brewaeys et al,.
1997; Golombok et al, 1983;. Harris & Turner,
1985-1986;. Kirkpatrick et al, 1981;. Wainright et al,
2004). Sebagai contoh, hubungan remaja dengan
orang tua mereka telah digambarkan sebagai sama-sama hangat
dan penuh perhatian, terlepas dari apakah orang tua memiliki
mitra sama-atau lawan jenis (Wainright et al.,
2004). Golombok dan rekan-rekannya (1983) menemukan
bahwa anak-anak dari ibu lesbian bercerai lebih
mungkin untuk memiliki kontak terakhir dengan ayah mereka
daripada anak-anak dari ibu heteroseksual bercerai. Studi lain, bagaimanapun, tidak menemukan perbedaan dalam
hal ini (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris dan
Turner (1985-1986) mempelajari anak-anak ayah gay,
serta orang-orang dari ibu lesbian, dan melaporkan
bahwa hubungan orangtua-anak yang digambarkan dalam
hal yang positif. Salah satu perbedaan yang signifikan adalah bahwa
orang tua heteroseksual lebih mungkin dibandingkan lesbian
orang tua dan gay mengatakan bahwa kunjungan anak-anak mereka
dengan orang tua lainnya disajikan masalah bagi mereka
(Harris & Turner, 1985-1986). Perbedaan lain yang signifikan adalah bahwa anak dewasa muda bercerai
ibu lesbian menggambarkan diri mereka sebagai komunikasi lebih terbuka dengan ibu mereka dan dengan
mitra saat ibu mereka daripada anak-anak dewasa dari bercerai orang tua heteroseksual (Tasker &
Golombok, 1997).
Penelitian juga telah difokuskan pada anak-anak kontak dengan
anggota keluarga, terutama kakek-nenek. Orang tua sering fasilitator dan gatekeeper dari
kontak antara generasi dalam keluarga. Karena
kakek-nenek umumnya dipandang sebagai mendukung mereka
cucu, setiap strain dalam hubungan orang tua
dengan kakek-nenek mungkin memiliki efek buruk pada
frekuensi kontak anak-anak dengan kakek-nenek,
dan karenanya juga memiliki dampak negatif pada perkembangan cucu. Patterson dan rekan-rekannya
telah dievaluasi kemungkinan ini dalam dua terpisah
studi (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002;
Patterson et al, 1998.). Temuan mereka menunjukkan bahwa
kebanyakan anak-anak dari ibu-ibu lesbian digambarkan sebagai
berada dalam kontak teratur dengan kakek-nenek (Patterson
et al., 1998). Dalam penelitian terbaru berdasarkan sistematis
kerangka sampling yang lesbian dan heteroseksual
keluarga orang tua yang cocok pada demografi
karakteristik, tidak ada perbedaan dalam frekuensi ofcontactwith kakek sebagai fungsi dari
orientasi seksual orangtua (Fulcher et al., 2002).
Gartrell dan rekan-rekannya (2000) juga melaporkan
bahwa kakek-nenek yang sangat mungkin untuk mengakui
anak-anak putri lesbian sebagai cucu. Dengan demikian,
bukti yang ada menunjukkan bahwa, bertentangan dengan populer
keprihatinan, hubungan antargenerasi dalam lesbian
keluarga ibu yang memuaskan.
kontak anak dengan teman-teman dewasa ibu lesbian mereka juga telah dinilai (Fulcher et al,.
2002; Golombok et al, 1983;. Patterson et al., 1998).
Semua anak digambarkan memiliki kontak
dengan teman-teman dewasa ibu mereka, dan sebagian besar ibu-ibu lesbian melaporkan bahwa teman-teman mereka dewasa adalah
campuran homoseksual dan heteroseksual individu. Anak-anak dari ibu lesbian tidak kurang cenderung
dibandingkan dengan ibu heteroseksual untuk berhubungan
dengan laki-laki dewasa yang teman-teman dari ibu mereka
(Fulcher et al., 2002).
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
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- Tidak punya uang berarti tidak punya tem
- Askim yasa sen nerdesim
- muda memilih konflik
- Take lunch
- hopeless
- Kantor
- Serious Ouch time! Hamstring shaken fort
- Jalan-jalan
- saya lagi mikirin kamu, saya cinta kamu
- silahkan permisi dulu sebelum menggunaka
- Kalau tidak bersalah kenapa harus marah
- keterbukaan diri
- puck you
- kebersamaan
- saya lagi memikirin kamu,saya cinta kamu
- i agree you with
- useless
- Nonton TV
- happy week and
- kesepakatan
- happy sunday
- I'm sorry I'm not perfect
- Tidak punya uang berarti tidak punya uan
- Sory I'm perfect
