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POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS: A BRIEF

POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS: A BRIEF HISTORY
As the media’s heightened role in the conduct of political discourse became
apparent, the twentieth century witnessed the birth and rapid growth of a new
profession, devoted to the effective communication of political messages: as
Stanley Kelley puts it, ‘a class of professional propagandists’ (1956, p. 16).
Today, the members of this profession, incorporating public relations, advertising and marketing, stand between the politician and the media, profiting from
the relationship of mutual interdependence which exists between the two.
Corporate public relations, from which the professional political communicator emerged, first developed in the US at the turn of the century, as
big US companies encountered for the first time the often conflicting
demands of commercial success and public opinion. Twentieth-century
capitalism brought with it ‘an increased readiness of the public, due to the
spread of literacy and democratic forms of government, to feel that it is
entitled to its voice in the conduct of large aggregations, political, capitalist
or labour’ (Bernays, 1923, p. 33).
In a political environment of expanding suffrage and public scrutiny of
corporate activity, big US capital began to engage in opinion management,
employing such pioneers as Ivy Lee, who set up the first consultancy in 1904
(Kelley, 1956), working largely for the coal and rail industries.
Politicians quickly embraced the principles and methods of corporate
public relations. In 1917 US President Wilson established a federal committee
on Public Information to manage public opinion about the First World War.
The Democratic Party established a permanent public relations office in 1928,
with the Republicans following suit in 1932 (Bloom, 1973). Since then, public
relations consultants have held ‘one or more seats on the central strategy
board of virtually every presidential candidate’ (ibid., p. 14).
2
The first political public relations consultancy was established by
husband and wife team Clem Whittaker and Leone Baxter in Los Angeles
in 1933, under the name of Campaigns Inc. Dan Nimmo attributes this to
the fact that in California, more than in any other US state in the 1930s,
referenda were extensively used to resolve political issues. Moreover, the
population of California was immigrant-based, and thus more ethnically
and socially diverse than in some other parts of the US. Traditional party
organisations were weak. In this environment of particular sensitivity to
POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS
121
(volatile) public opinion, political consultants, Nimmo argues, in effect
filled the space occupied elsewhere by party political machines. From
Campaigns Inc. developed what Nimmo calls a nationwide ‘service industry’ (1970, p. 39), facilitating political communication between parties,
candidates and their publics; designing and producing publicity and propaganda material; raising funds; advising on policy and presentation, and
polling public opinion – becoming, in short, ‘the stage managers and the
creative writers of living-theatre politics’ (Sabato, 1981, p. 111).
By the 1970s there were hundreds of full-time political consultants in the
US, and their numbers were growing in Britain and other democratic
countries. In Britain in the 1980s the names of Peter Mandelson, Tim Bell,
the Saatchi brothers, and Harvey Thomas became inseparable from the
political process. The remainder of this chapter examines the means and
methods by which political parties, at times of election and in the intervals
between them, with the help of their political consultants, seek to manage
the media in such ways as to maximise favourable coverage and to minimise
that which is damaging to the organisations’ interests.
The discussion will be organised around four types of political public
relations activity.
• First, we address forms of media management– those activities designed
to tap into the needs and demands of the modern media and thus maximise politicians’ access to, and exposure in, free media. These activities
chiefly comprise the manufacture of medialities– media-friendly events
which will tend to attract the attention of media gate-keepers, all other
things being equal, and to keep public awareness of the party high. The
objective of this activity is, of course, not simply to preserve a party’s
visibility but also to have its definition of political problems and
solutions covered. In this sense, we may also think of it as issues
management.
• Second, we examine the practice of image-managementin political public
relations: on the one hand, the personal image of the individual politician, and how it can be moulded and shaped to suit organisational goals;
and on the other, the image of the political organisation. The latter
activity may also be described as political marketing, and will frequently
incorporate the advertising techniques described in the previous chapter.
But the marketing of political identity and image extends far beyond the
placement of paid messages in the media: it includes such matters as the
design of a corporate logo (a party’s symbol); the language used during
political interviews and in manifestos; and the general work of a party
when it campaigns in the public sphere.
• The success or otherwise of the aforementioned categories of activity
depends to a large extent on the effectiveness of a third: the internal
communicationsof the organisation. This includes setting up channels
COMMUNICATING POLITICS
122
for transmitting information internally, co-ordinating activity and
dealing with feedback. As we shall see, some of the great failures of
party-political communication in recent years can be attributed to
inadequate internal public relations. Just as modern corporations now
routinely support in-house public relations departments for the purpose
of maximising organisational efficiency, so must political parties develop
structures of effective internal communication.
• Last but by no means of least importance in the study of political communication, are the activities of information management. We distinguish this category from media management as defined above in so far
as it tends to involve open and covert methods of information manipulation by political actors in positions of power. Information is a
powerful political weapon, and its selective dissemination, restriction
and/or distortion by governments is an important element in public
opinion management. Organisations which are not in power may still
use information to attack opponents, but this form of public relations
work is inevitably most important for a governing organisation, which
has all the information management resources of the state at its disposal,
and which may use them to exert considerable influence on the lives of
citizens.
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POLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS: A BRIEF HISTORYAs the media’s heightened role in the conduct of political discourse becameapparent, the twentieth century witnessed the birth and rapid growth of a newprofession, devoted to the effective communication of political messages: asStanley Kelley puts it, ‘a class of professional propagandists’ (1956, p. 16).Today, the members of this profession, incorporating public relations, advertising and marketing, stand between the politician and the media, profiting fromthe relationship of mutual interdependence which exists between the two.Corporate public relations, from which the professional political communicator emerged, first developed in the US at the turn of the century, asbig US companies encountered for the first time the often conflictingdemands of commercial success and public opinion. Twentieth-centurycapitalism brought with it ‘an increased readiness of the public, due to thespread of literacy and democratic forms of government, to feel that it isentitled to its voice in the conduct of large aggregations, political, capitalistor labour’ (Bernays, 1923, p. 33).In a political environment of expanding suffrage and public scrutiny ofcorporate activity, big US capital began to engage in opinion management,employing such pioneers as Ivy Lee, who set up the first consultancy in 1904(Kelley, 1956), working largely for the coal and rail industries.Politicians quickly embraced the principles and methods of corporatepublic relations. In 1917 US President Wilson established a federal committeeon Public Information to manage public opinion about the First World War.The Democratic Party established a permanent public relations office in 1928,with the Republicans following suit in 1932 (Bloom, 1973). Since then, publicrelations consultants have held ‘one or more seats on the central strategyboard of virtually every presidential candidate’ (ibid., p. 14).2The first political public relations consultancy was established byhusband and wife team Clem Whittaker and Leone Baxter in Los Angelesin 1933, under the name of Campaigns Inc. Dan Nimmo attributes this tothe fact that in California, more than in any other US state in the 1930s,referenda were extensively used to resolve political issues. Moreover, thepopulation of California was immigrant-based, and thus more ethnicallyand socially diverse than in some other parts of the US. Traditional partyorganisations were weak. In this environment of particular sensitivity toPOLITICAL PUBLIC RELATIONS121(volatile) public opinion, political consultants, Nimmo argues, in effectfilled the space occupied elsewhere by party political machines. FromCampaigns Inc. developed what Nimmo calls a nationwide ‘service industry’ (1970, p. 39), facilitating political communication between parties,candidates and their publics; designing and producing publicity and propaganda material; raising funds; advising on policy and presentation, andpolling public opinion – becoming, in short, ‘the stage managers and thecreative writers of living-theatre politics’ (Sabato, 1981, p. 111).By the 1970s there were hundreds of full-time political consultants in theUS, and their numbers were growing in Britain and other democraticcountries. In Britain in the 1980s the names of Peter Mandelson, Tim Bell,the Saatchi brothers, and Harvey Thomas became inseparable from thepolitical process. The remainder of this chapter examines the means andmethods by which political parties, at times of election and in the intervalsbetween them, with the help of their political consultants, seek to managethe media in such ways as to maximise favourable coverage and to minimisethat which is damaging to the organisations’ interests.The discussion will be organised around four types of political publicrelations activity.• First, we address forms of media management– those activities designedto tap into the needs and demands of the modern media and thus maximise politicians’ access to, and exposure in, free media. These activitieschiefly comprise the manufacture of medialities– media-friendly eventswhich will tend to attract the attention of media gate-keepers, all otherthings being equal, and to keep public awareness of the party high. TheTujuan dari kegiatan ini adalah, tentu saja, tidak hanya untuk mempertahankan sebuah pestavisibilitas, tetapi juga untuk memiliki definisi dari masalah-masalah politik dansolusi tertutup. Dalam pengertian ini, kita mungkin juga menganggapnya sebagai masalahmanajemen.• Kedua, kita mengkaji praktek umum politik gambar-managementinhubungan: pada satu sisi, gambar pribadi politikus individu, dan bagaimana hal ini dapat dibentuk dan dibentuk sesuai dengan tujuan organisasi;dan di sisi lain, citra organisasi politik. Yang keduakegiatan juga dapat digambarkan sebagai pemasaran politik, dan akan seringmenggabungkan teknik periklanan yang dijelaskan dalam bab sebelumnya.Tetapi pemasaran politik identitas dan gambar meluas jauh melampauipenempatan dibayar pesan di media: ini mencakup hal-hal sepertidesain logo perusahaan (Partai simbol); bahasa yang digunakan selamaWawancara politik dan dalam manifesto; dan pekerjaan umum pestaKapan itu kampanye di ruang publik.• Keberhasilan atau sebaliknya kategori tersebut kegiatantergantung sebagian besar pada efektivitas ketiga: internalcommunicationsof organisasi. Ini termasuk mengatur saluranKOMUNIKASI POLITIK122untuk transmisi informasi internal, mengkoordinasikan kegiatan danberurusan dengan umpan balik. Seperti yang akan kita lihat, beberapa kegagalan besarKomunikasi politik partai-tahun belakangan ini dapat dikaitkan denganinadequate internal public relations. Just as modern corporations nowroutinely support in-house public relations departments for the purposeof maximising organisational efficiency, so must political parties developstructures of effective internal communication.• Last but by no means of least importance in the study of political communication, are the activities of information management. We distinguish this category from media management as defined above in so faras it tends to involve open and covert methods of information manipulation by political actors in positions of power. Information is apowerful political weapon, and its selective dissemination, restrictionand/or distortion by governments is an important element in publicopinion management. Organisations which are not in power may stilluse information to attack opponents, but this form of public relationswork is inevitably most important for a governing organisation, whichhas all the information management resources of the state at its disposal,and which may use them to exert considerable influence on the lives ofcitizens.
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POLITIK PUBLIC RELATIONS: SEJARAH SINGKAT
Sebagai media meningkat peran dalam pelaksanaan wacana politik menjadi
jelas, abad kedua puluh menyaksikan kelahiran dan pertumbuhan yang cepat dari baru
profesi, yang ditujukan untuk komunikasi yang efektif dari pesan politik: sebagai
Stanley Kelley katakan, 'kelas propagandis profesional' (1956, hal. 16).
Saat ini, para anggota profesi ini, menggabungkan hubungan masyarakat, periklanan dan pemasaran, berdiri di antara politisi dan media, keuntungan dari
hubungan saling ketergantungan yang ada antara dua.
humas perusahaan, dari mana komunikator politik profesional muncul, pertama kali dikembangkan di Amerika Serikat pada pergantian abad, seperti
perusahaan-perusahaan AS yang besar yang dihadapi untuk pertama kalinya sering bertentangan
tuntutan sukses komersial dan opini publik. -Abad kedua puluh
kapitalisme membawa dengan itu suatu kesiapan peningkatan masyarakat, karena
penyebaran keaksaraan dan demokratis bentuk pemerintahan, merasa bahwa itu
berhak suaranya dalam melakukan agregasi besar, politik, kapitalis
atau tenaga kerja '( Bernays, 1923, hal. 33).
Dalam lingkungan politik memperluas hak pilih dan pengawasan publik dari
aktivitas perusahaan, modal besar AS mulai terlibat dalam manajemen pendapat,
menggunakan pelopor seperti Ivy Lee, yang mendirikan konsultasi pertama pada tahun 1904
(Kelley 1956), yang bekerja sebagian besar untuk industri batubara dan rel.
Politisi cepat memeluk prinsip-prinsip dan metode perusahaan
public relations. Pada tahun 1917 Presiden AS Wilson membentuk komite federal yang
Informasi Publik untuk mengelola opini publik tentang Perang Dunia Pertama.
The Partai Demokrat mendirikan kantor humas permanen pada tahun 1928,
dengan Republik yang mengikuti pada tahun 1932 (Bloom, 1973). Sejak itu, masyarakat
konsultan hubungan telah mengadakan 'satu atau lebih kursi di strategi utama
dewan hampir setiap calon presiden '(ibid., hlm. 14).
2
The konsultan public relations politik pertama didirikan oleh
tim suami dan istri Clem Whittaker dan Leone Baxter di Los Angeles
pada tahun 1933, dengan nama Kampanye Inc Dan Nimmo atribut ini untuk
fakta bahwa di California, lebih daripada di negara bagian AS lainnya pada 1930-an,
referendum secara luas digunakan untuk menyelesaikan isu-isu politik. Selain itu, para
penduduk California adalah imigran berbasis, sehingga lebih etnis
dan sosial yang beragam daripada di beberapa bagian lain dari Amerika Serikat. Partai tradisional
organisasi yang lemah. Dalam lingkungan ini sensitivitas khusus untuk
POLITIK HUMAS
121
(mudah menguap) opini publik, konsultan politik, Nimmo berpendapat, pada dasarnya
mengisi ruang yang ditempati di tempat lain oleh mesin politik partai. Dari
Kampanye Inc mengembangkan apa Nimmo panggilan nasional 'layanan industri, memfasilitasi komunikasi politik antara partai-partai, (1970, hal 39.)
calon dan masyarakat mereka; merancang dan memproduksi publikasi dan materi propaganda; penggalangan dana; memberi nasihat tentang kebijakan dan presentasi, dan
opini publik polling - menjadi, singkatnya, 'manajer panggung dan
. penulis kreatif politik hidup-teater '(. Sabato, 1981, hal 111)
Pada tahun 1970-an ada ratusan penuh waktu konsultan politik di
Amerika Serikat, dan jumlah mereka tumbuh di Inggris dan demokratis lainnya
negara. Di Inggris pada 1980-an nama Peter Mandelson, Tim Bell,
saudara Saatchi, dan Harvey Thomas menjadi tak terpisahkan dari
proses politik. Sisa dari bab ini membahas cara-cara dan
metode yang partai politik, pada saat pemilu dan dalam interval
antara mereka, dengan bantuan konsultan politik mereka, berusaha untuk mengelola
media dengan cara seperti untuk memaksimalkan cakupan yang menguntungkan dan untuk meminimalkan
bahwa yang merusak kepentingan organisasi.
Diskusi akan diselenggarakan sekitar empat jenis publik politis
aktivitas hubungan.
• Pertama, kita membahas bentuk media manajemen-kegiatan-kegiatan yang dirancang
untuk memasuki kebutuhan dan tuntutan media modern dan dengan demikian memaksimalkan akses politisi 'untuk, dan paparan di, media yang bebas. Kegiatan ini
terutama terdiri dari pembuatan acara ramah-media medialities-
yang akan cenderung menarik perhatian media gerbang-penjaga, semua lainnya
hal yang sama, dan untuk menjaga kesadaran masyarakat partai tinggi. The
Tujuan dari kegiatan ini adalah, tentu saja, tidak hanya untuk mempertahankan partai
visibilitas tetapi juga memiliki definisi masalah politik dan
solusi tertutup. Dalam hal ini, kita juga dapat menganggapnya sebagai masalah
manajemen.
• Kedua, kita meneliti praktek umum politik image-managementin
hubungan: di satu sisi, citra pribadi politisi individu, dan bagaimana hal itu dapat dibentuk dan dibentuk sesuai tujuan organisasi,
dan di sisi lain, citra organisasi politik. Yang terakhir
kegiatan juga dapat digambarkan sebagai pemasaran politik, dan akan sering
menggabungkan teknik periklanan yang dijelaskan dalam bab sebelumnya.
Namun pemasaran identitas dan citra politik jauh melampaui
penempatan pesan dibayar di media: itu termasuk hal-hal seperti
desain logo perusahaan (simbol partai); bahasa yang digunakan selama
wawancara politik dan manifesto; dan pekerjaan umum partai
ketika kampanye di ruang publik.
• Keberhasilan atau kategori tersebut aktivitas
sangat tergantung pada efektivitas dari ketiga: internal
communicationsof organisasi. Ini termasuk menyiapkan saluran
BERKOMUNIKASI POLITIK
122
untuk transmisi informasi secara internal, kegiatan koordinasi dan
berurusan dengan umpan balik. Seperti yang akan kita lihat, beberapa kegagalan besar
komunikasi partai politik dalam beberapa tahun terakhir dapat dikaitkan dengan
memadai PR internal. Sama seperti perusahaan modern sekarang
secara rutin mendukung di rumah departemen PR untuk tujuan
memaksimalkan efisiensi organisasi, sehingga harus partai politik mengembangkan
struktur komunikasi internal yang efektif.
• terakhir tetapi tidak berarti paling sedikit penting dalam studi komunikasi politik, adalah kegiatan manajemen informasi. Kami membedakan kategori ini dari manajemen media seperti dijelaskan di atas sejauh
karena cenderung melibatkan metode terbuka dan rahasia manipulasi informasi oleh para aktor politik dalam posisi kekuasaan. Informasi adalah
senjata politik yang kuat, dan penyebaran selektif, pembatasan
dan / atau distorsi oleh pemerintah merupakan elemen penting dalam masyarakat
manajemen pendapat. Organisasi yang tidak berkuasa masih dapat
menggunakan informasi untuk menyerang lawan, tapi ini bentuk PR
pekerjaan pasti yang paling penting bagi sebuah organisasi yang mengatur, yang
memiliki semua sumber daya informasi manajemen negara di pembuangan,
dan yang mungkin menggunakannya untuk memberikan pengaruh yang cukup besar terhadap kehidupan
warga.
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