UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION

UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 225
particularly acute cultural linkage, especially between Southeast Asia and the
regions to its north and west that were also itÕs primary trade partners. The
common cultural variable was the Islamic faith among the trading populations
who traveled to and sometimes settled in Southeast AsiaÕs ports of trade.
The present study has proposed that these patterns of Islamic communication
had their foundation at least two centuries before, that is, in the fourteenth century.
It has not reexamined the well-documented studies that stress regional
communication as a consequence of Southeast AsiaÕs external interchange—
both economic and ideational—with the centers of Islamic civilization in India,
the Middle East, and in the South China Sea (south China and Champa).52
Instead it asserts that the role of internal networking in the Southeast Asian
maritime region provided the opportunity for religious conversion. It highlights
the conversion of Samudra-Pasai on the Sumatra coast to Islam, and how this
transition became the inspiration for the broad, regional conversions of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. By the . fteenth century the exchange of
Islamic symbols, as well as material goods and services, reinforced previous
linkages among people who shared the Straits of Melaka and Java Sea.53
Historians have traditionally focused on two lines of argument in explaining
the penetration of Islam into the island world. One school of thought centers on
the extraordinary expansion of regional and international maritime trade in the
Indian Ocean during the fourteenth and . fteenth centuries. This activity was a
result of the decreasing use of land-based trade routes following the fall of the
MongolÕs Pax Mongolica in Central and West Asia, which led to the land-based
routes becoming less secure. At the same time the demand for Southeast Asian
spices increased in Europe. Thus an exceptionally cosmopolitan and multiethnic
atmosphere emerged in the Straits of Melaka and the Java Sea. This included
traders from south China, Gujarat, south India, Bengal, and the Arabian
Peninsula, who were ideologically uni. ed in Islam. The second line of thought
is working on identifying the places from which Islam came to the region—
52 Pierre Yves Manguin, Òƒtudes Cham. II, LÕintroduction de lÕIslam au Campa,Ó Bulletin
de lÕƒcole fran ais dÕextreme Orient 66 (1979): 255-87; Andaya and Ishii, ÒReligious
Developments,Ó 514-5.
53 In my discussion of the Òisland worldÓ I am mindful of John MiksicÕs argument that
one can not be overly inclusive in references to a collective Southeast Asian Òisland world.Ó
MiksicÕs preference is a distinction between the Òisland worldÓ regions north and south of
the equator. In this study I . nd it meaningful to center my discussion on the fourteenth and
. fteenth century Straits region as an appropriate Òsub-regionalÓ unit of study. See John
Miksic, ÒSettlement Patterns and Sub-Regions in Southeast Asian History,Ó Review of
Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 24 (1990): 86-129.
226 KENNETH R. HALL
south India and south China are currently leading contenders.54 But such debate
misses the point: the whole Indian Ocean region had become so culturally
fused, its port cities so saturated with overriding Islamic values, that the ethnic
identity of particular maritime travelers mattered little.
Currently historians are focusing on the societal networks that emerged as a
consequence of, or along with, the heightened trade contacts in the Indonesian
archipelago during the second millenium C.E., more than on the quickened pace
of commerce as such. In 1512-15, Portuguese traveler Tom. Pires reported that
foreign merchants in archipelago port towns were accompanied by Òchie y Arab
mullas,Ó who could have been Islamic scholars, Su. mystics, or preachers.
Building on the fragmentary writings left by the earliest Su. s and court-based
scholars and chroniclers, one can partially reconstruct the intellectual and spiritual
environment of the port-polities in the . fteenth and sixteenth centuries.
One can also explore the nature of their contacts, both with their archipelago
hinterlands and with scholars in India or Arabia.55 By the painstaking study of
who, where, when, and under whose (if anyoneÕs) patronage these scholars
operated, the hope is that we may one day be able to make more meaningful
statements about the process of Islamization.
The available sources allow us to conclude that in this era of economic and
ideational development, beginning in the . fteenth century, Straits port-polities
interacted more directly with their interiors. In Java, new Islamic north coast
ports—notably Demak—successfully confronted the Hindu-Buddhist hinterland
society of the Majapahit polity, with its hierarchically organized social structures,
re. ned literati, elaborate court rituals, revenue-collecting aristocracies, lowland
population clusters of rice-cultivating peasants, and neighboring upland hunters
and gatherers.56 But these events were subsequent to and perhaps an indirect
result of the upstream and downstream developments in the Melaka Straits
region, notably the emergence of the initial Islamic port-polity at Samudra-Pasai
on the north Sumatra coast in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
54 Kenneth R. Hall, ÒThe Coming of Islam;Ó Manguin, ÒLÕintroduction de lÕIslamÓ on the
Cham and Chinese origins of Islam; and Reid, Expansion and Crisis, 144-86, which stresses
local initiatives.
55 Some of these mullas were shadowy . gures about whom fantastic legends have been
embellished, and who seem to have occasionally assisted in the rise to power of sultans, but
also regularly undermined a sultanÕs authority. Anthony Johns, ÒFrom Coastal Settlement to
Islamic School and City: Islamization in Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and Java,Ó Hamdard
Islamicus 4 (1981): 3-28.
56 S. O. Robson, ÒJava at the Crossroads, Aspects of Javanese Cultural History in the 14th
and 15th Centuries,Ó Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi‘
137 (1981): 259-92.
UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 227
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abu-Lughod, Janet. ÒThe World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor?Ó
In Islamic and European Expansion, The Forging of a Global Order, ed. Michael Adas,
pp. 75-102. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993.
Andaya, Barbara Watson. ÒCloth Trade in Jambi and Palembang during the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries.Ó Indonesia 48 (1989): 26-46.
——. To Live as Brothers, Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993.
——. ÒCash Cropping and Upstream-Downstream Tensions: The Case of Jambi in the Seventeenth
and Eighteenth Centuries.Ó In Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era, Trade, Power, and
Belief, ed. Anthony Reid, pp. 91-122. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993.
——. ÒRaiding Cultures and Interior-Coastal Migration in Early Modern Island Southeast
Asia.Ó In Empires, Imperialism, and Southeast Asia: Essays in Honour of Nicholas Tarling,
ed. Brook Barrington, pp. 1-16. Monash: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1997.
Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Yoneo Ishii. ÒReligious Developments in Southeast Asia,
c. 1500-1800.Ó In The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, ed. Nicholas Tarling, pp. 508-
571. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
Andaya, Leonard. ÒCultural State Formation in Eastern Indonesia.Ó In Southeast Asia in the
Early Modern Era, Trade, Power, and Belief, ed. Anthony Reid, pp. 23-41. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1993.
Bernet Kempers, A. J. Ancient Indonesian Art. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959.
Bourdieu, Pierre. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1977.
Bowen, John R. Muslims through Discourse: Religion and Ritual in Gayo Society. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1993.
Caldwell, Ian, and Ann Appleby Hazlewood. ÒThe Holy Footprint of the Venerable Gautama;
A New Translation of the Pasir Panjang Inscription.Ó Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-, en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie 150, 3 (1994): 457-79.
Creese, Helen. In Search of Majapahit: The Transformation of Balinese Identities. Monash:
Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, 1997.
Day, Anthony. ÒTies that (Un)bind: Families and States in Premodern Southeast Asia.Ó
Journal of Asian Studies 55, 2 (1996): 384-409.
Donner, Fred M. ÒThe Formation of the Islamic State.Ó Journal of the American Oriental
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——. Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings of Islamic Historical Writing. Princeton:
Darwin Press, 1998.
Drakard, Jane. ÒUpland-Downland Relationships in Barus: A Northwest Sumatran Case
Study.Ó In The Malay-Islamic World of Sumatra, ed. J. Maxwell, pp. 74-95. Clayton:
Monash Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1982.
——. ÒAn Indian Port: Sources for the Earlier History of Barus.Ó Archipel 37 (1989): 53-83.
——. A Kingdom of Words: Language and Power in Sumatra. New York: Oxford University
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Dunn, F. L. Rain Forest Collectors and Traders, A Study of Resource Utilization in Modern
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Gibb, H. A. R. The Travels of Ibn Battuta. New York: Robert M. McBride and Company,
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Hall, Kenneth R. ÒThe Coming of Islam to the Archipelago: A Reassessment.Ó In Economic
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228 KENNETH R. HALL
——. ÒTrade and Statecraft in the Western Archipelago at the Dawn of the European Age.Ó
Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 54, 1 (1981): 21-47.
——. ÒUpstream and Downstream Networking in Seventeenth Century Banjarmasin.Ó In From
Buckfast to Borneo

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

PENYATUAN HULU DAN HILIR DI ASIA TENGGARA 225hubungan budaya akut, terutama antara Asia Tenggara danwilayah utara dan Barat yang juga itÕs mitra dagang utama. TheUmum budaya variabel adalah iman Islam antara populasi perdaganganyang bepergian ke dan kadang-kadang menetap di AsiaÕs Tenggara pelabuhan perdagangan.Penelitian ini telah mengusulkan bahwa pola komunikasi Islammemiliki dasar mereka setidaknya dua abad sebelumnya, yaitu dalam abad keempat belas.Itu tidak memiliki Yoneya studi terdokumentasi dengan baik yang menekankan regionalkomunikasi akibat AsiaÕs Tenggara eksternal persimpangan —ekonomi dan ideasional nyata — dengan pusat-pusat peradaban Islam di India,Timur Tengah, dan di Laut Cina Selatan (south China dan Champa).52Sebaliknya itu menegaskan bahwa peran internal jaringan di Asia Tenggarawilayah Maritim diberi kesempatan untuk konversi agama. Ini menyorotikonversi Samudra Pasai di Pantai Sumatera dengan Islam, dan bagaimana hal initransisi menjadi inspirasi untuk konversi yang luas, daerah dari abad ke-16dan ketujuh belas abad. Oleh. fteenth abad pertukaranSimbol-simbol keislaman, sebagai serta bahan barang dan jasa, diperkuat sebelumnyahubungan antara orang-orang yang berbagi Selat Malaka dan Sea.53 JawaSejarawan telah secara tradisional berfokus pada dua baris argumen dalam menjelaskanthe penetration of Islam into the island world. One school of thought centers onthe extraordinary expansion of regional and international maritime trade in theIndian Ocean during the fourteenth and . fteenth centuries. This activity was aresult of the decreasing use of land-based trade routes following the fall of theMongolÕs Pax Mongolica in Central and West Asia, which led to the land-basedroutes becoming less secure. At the same time the demand for Southeast Asianspices increased in Europe. Thus an exceptionally cosmopolitan and multiethnicatmosphere emerged in the Straits of Melaka and the Java Sea. This includedtraders from south China, Gujarat, south India, Bengal, and the ArabianPeninsula, who were ideologically uni. ed in Islam. The second line of thoughtis working on identifying the places from which Islam came to the region—52 Pierre Yves Manguin, Òƒtudes Cham. II, LÕintroduction de lÕIslam au Campa,Ó Bulletinde lÕƒcole fran ais dÕextreme Orient 66 (1979): 255-87; Andaya and Ishii, ÒReligiousDevelopments,Ó 514-5.53 In my discussion of the Òisland worldÓ I am mindful of John MiksicÕs argument thatone can not be overly inclusive in references to a collective Southeast Asian Òisland world.ÓMiksicÕs preference is a distinction between the Òisland worldÓ regions north and south ofthe equator. In this study I . nd it meaningful to center my discussion on the fourteenth and. fteenth abad ke Selat daerah sebagai unit Òsub-regionalÓ sesuai studi. Lihat YohanesMiksic, ÒSettlement pola dan sub-daerah dalam sejarah Asia Tenggara, Ó ReviewIndonesia dan Malaysia urusan 24 (1990): 86-129.226 KENNETH R. HALLIndia Selatan dan Cina Selatan saat ini memimpin contenders.54 tapi debatnyaketinggalan titik: seluruh wilayah Samudera Hindia telah menjadi begitu budayamenyatu, kota pelabuhan yang begitu jenuh dengan mengganti nilai-nilai Islam, yang etnisidentitas tertentu wisatawan Maritim penting sedikit.Saat ini para sejarawan berfokus pada jaringan sosial yang muncul sebagaikonsekuensi dari, atau dengan, kontak tinggi perdagangan di IndonesiaNusantara selama kedua Milenium C.E., lebih dari pada quickened kecepatanperdagangan seperti itu. Di tahun 1512-15, Portugis traveler Tom. Pires melaporkan bahwapedagang asing di kota pelabuhan Kepulauan didampingi oleh Òchie y Arabmullas, Ó yang bisa saja ulama Islam, Su. mistik, atau pengkhotbah.Membangun pada tulisan-tulisan fragmentaris yang ditinggalkan oleh Su awal. s dan berbasis Lapangansarjana dan masa, satu sebagian dapat merekonstruksi intelektual dan rohanilingkungan port-polities di. fteenth dan keenam belas abad.Satu juga dapat menjelajahi sifat kontak mereka, baik dengan Kepulauan merekadaerah pedalaman dan dengan para cendekiawan di India atau Arabia.55 dengan sungguh-sungguh belajar dariyang, di mana, Kapan, dan di bawah yang (jika anyoneÕs) patronase kedua sarjanadioperasikan, harapan adalah bahwa kita mungkin suatu hari dapat membuat lebih bermaknapernyataan tentang proses pengislaman.Sumber-sumber yang tersedia yang memungkinkan kita untuk menyimpulkan bahwa dalam era ekonomi danpembangunan ideasional nyata, awal tahun. abad fteenth, Straits port-politiesberinteraksi lebih langsung dengan interior mereka. Di Jawa, baru pantai utara IslamPort — terutama Demak — berhasil dihadapkan pedalaman Hindu-Buddhamasyarakat dari pemerintahan Majapahit, dengan struktur sosial hirarki terorganisir,Re. Ned sastrawan, rumit pengadilan ritual, mengumpulkan pendapatan aristocracies, dataran rendahpopulasi cluster budidaya padi petani dan pemburu gogo tetanggadan gatherers.56 tetapi peristiwa subsequent dan mungkin tidak langsunghasil dari perkembangan hulu dan hilir di Selat Malakawilayah, terutama munculnya awal Islam port-pemerintahan di Samudra Pasaidi Pantai Sumatera Utara pada abad ketiga belas dan keempat belas.54 Kenneth R. Hall, ÒThe kedatangan Islam;Ó Manguin, ÒLÕintroduction de lÕIslamÓ padaAsal-usul Cham dan Cina Islam; dan Reid, perluasan dan krisis, 144-86, yang menekankaninisiatif lokal.55 beberapa mullas ini yang gelap. gures tentang siapa legenda yang fantastis telahdihiasi, dan yang tampaknya telah kadang-kadang membantu dalam naik ke kekuasaan Sultan, tetapijuga secara teratur merongrong otoritas sultanÕs. Anthony Johns, ÒFrom pesisir untuk penyelesaianIslamic School and City: Islamization in Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and Java,Ó HamdardIslamicus 4 (1981): 3-28.56 S. O. Robson, ÒJava at the Crossroads, Aspects of Javanese Cultural History in the 14thand 15th Centuries,Ó Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indi‘137 (1981): 259-92.UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 227BIBLIOGRAPHYAbu-Lughod, Janet. ÒThe World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor?ÓIn Islamic and European Expansion, The Forging of a Global Order, ed. Michael Adas,pp. 75-102. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993.Andaya, Barbara Watson. ÒCloth Trade in Jambi and Palembang during the Seventeenth andEighteenth Centuries.Ó Indonesia 48 (1989): 26-46.——. To Live as Brothers, Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993.——. ÒCash Cropping and Upstream-Downstream Tensions: The Case of Jambi in the Seventeenthand Eighteenth Centuries.Ó In Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era, Trade, Power, andBelief, ed. Anthony Reid, pp. 91-122. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993.——. ÒRaiding Cultures and Interior-Coastal Migration in Early Modern Island SoutheastAsia.Ó In Empires, Imperialism, and Southeast Asia: Essays in Honour of Nicholas Tarling,ed. Brook Barrington, pp. 1-16. Monash: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1997.Andaya, Barbara Watson, dan Yoneo Ishii. Perkembangan ÒReligious di Asia Tenggara,c. 1500-1800.Ó dalam sejarah Cambridge Asia Tenggara, ed. Nicholas Tarling, ms. 508 -571. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.Andaya, Leonard. Pembentukan ÒCultural negara di Timur Indonesia.Ó di Asia Tenggara diAwal Modern Era, perdagangan, kekuatan dan kepercayaan, ed. Anthony Reid, ms. 23-41. Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press, 1993.Bernet Kempers, A. J. kuno Seni Indonesia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959.Bourdieu, Pierre. Garis teori praktek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1977.Bowen, John R. Muslim melalui wacana: agama dan Ritual dalam Gayo masyarakat. Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1993.Caldwell, Ian, dan Ann Appleby Hazlewood. Tapak Suci ÒThe Gautama mulia;Suatu terjemahan baru terhadap Pasir Panjang Inscription.Ó Bijdragen tot de Taal-, tanah-, enVolkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie 150, 3 (1994): 457-79.Keris, Helen. Mencari Majapahit: transformasi Bali identitas. Monash:Pusat Studi Asia Tenggara, 1997 dan Selatan.Hari, Anthony. 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