B.J. Habibie’s speech for Egypt Dem

B.J. Habibie’s speech for Egypt Democracy

Published by Arroisi

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Published at 29 June 2011
Bj habibie

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen

Please allow me to give you some information about how the transition to Democracy in Indonesia has come about.

The World Bank forecasted in its 1997 report an average economic growth for Indonesia of 7,8 percent. However, in the midst of this rapid growth the economic crisis erupted in the middle the year.

The decline of the value of the Baht, the currency of Thailand, was followed by a decline of the value of other currencies in quite a number of Southeast Asian and East Asian countries, including the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea. All of these countries had economic structures that were not all that dissimilar from that of Thailand, and they were all experiencing ‘bubble economies’.

The crisis precipitated a flight of foreign capital from these countries and resulted in their banking systems collapsing one after the other.

Bank Indonesia tried to apply various policies to defend the rupiah, but the monetary crisis, accompanied by a collapse in confidence, made the rupiah increasingly difficult to control.

As the result of the monetary crisis, the Indonesian banking system could no longer function properly for a considerable period of time.

Thus, it was not possible to encourage growth in the real sector and business world. As a result, business stagnated.

The supply of goods, especially essential commodities, was disrupted, including both of those intended for domestic consumption and export. As a result, a food and essential other commodities crisis became unavoidable.

The situation spun rapidly out of control and evolved into a prolonged multidimensional crisis that affected various fields. The effects of the crisis caused extreme hardship for the people.

The monetary crisis that hit Indonesia was part of the domino effect rippling out from the decline of value of the Thai Bath against the US Dollar. The peak of the crisis in Thailand was reached in December 8, 1997, when 56 of the country’s 58 most important financial institutions were closed.

Despite of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) assistance, since 8th of October 1997, the crisis afflicting business resulted in many companies laying off workers, leading to a massive increase in unemployment.

The monetary crisis impact on employment in one year from 1997 to 1998 were as follows:

1. Underemployment by 13,8 % from 28.2 to 32.1 million

2. Unemployment by 16,7 % from 4.68 to 5.46 million

All of these in turn led to social crises, as well as public disorder and security problems.

Those who could not find jobs in the formal sector in the end were forced to work in the informal sector, which suffered from much lower productivity levels.

Public disquiet and fear became commonplace as the situation got worse. Indonesia, which had previously achieved macro-economic stability, showed itself incapable of weeding out corruption.

Just the opposite, in fact, Indonesia under President Suharto’s New Order, proved itself to be a fertile ground for graft. Corruption was commonplace at both the central and local government levels, and affected all levels of administration, from the highest to the lowest.

Collusion, frequently manifested in the granting of monopolies, further increased the gap between rich and poor, as only a small group was able to take advantage of the special opportunities and facilities available in the economic field.

For the majority of the people, however, life continued to be a struggle, with most people living below the poverty line.

Another problem was the concentration of the fruits of economic development in Java, while most areas outside this island remained mired in backwardness and poverty.

Globalization and the emergence of a transparent world community, and much greater access to information have brought about a period of rapid change throughout the world.

The Indonesian people responded to this change by demanding freedom, transparency, justice, and democracy based on human rights, responsibilities, and security.

These new demands came to the fore within a relatively short period of time.

The people now benefit from much greater freedom and greater transparency, and are braver but also more confused, more pessimistic about the future and sometimes even more indifferent.

The rapid changes taking place at both the global and national levels led to growing uncertainty among the people. This uncertainty affected the credibility of politicians and the economy.

Triggered by the monetary crisis,the confusion and unease felt by the public led to demonstrations, particularly those organized by students.

Initially, demands that President Suharto resign were few and far between. However, as time went on, it became more apparent that the students, supported by the public at large, wanted to see the ouster of the Suharto government which had controlled Indonesia for over three decades. In the end the students were no longer satisfied to hear promises of political and economic reform from the government, but demanded a total regime change.

The economic crisis suffered by Indonesia undermined the basis of legitimacy upon which Suharto’s New Order government was built. Long period of economic growth had muted criticisms of the regime’s monopoly of power and limitation of civil and political liberties. However, with the onset of the economic crisis the people’s patience wore out. Economic hardships, revelations of human rights abuses and blatant corruption of those closely related to the ruling family eroded any supports left for President Suharto.

Day by day, the demands for President Suharto to step down grew increasingly loud and strident. The convulsions taking place in society were clearly apparent from the reports carried in the media.

While the Indonesian media had been previously restricted in what it could report, it was now willing to take a stand and assert its independence.

The media started to report freely what was happening, and the opinions and views being expressed in the community.

This initial euphoria of press freedom was made possible by a softer approach from the authorities in line with the demands for reform.

The seemingly unstoppable series of demonstrations reached their climax with the Trisakti Tragedy on May 12, 1998. At the time, students from Trisakti University were staging a demonstration but were confronted by the security forces. A clash occurred, during which 7 students were shot dead by live ammunition.

This sparked a spate of widespread rioting and disturbances from May 13 to 15. It is worth noting that President Suharto was actually in Cairo attending a meeting during this momentous period.

The riots broke out simultaneously in a number of areas and left hundreds of people dead and widespread damage to property in their wake.

The rioting, looting, burning and rape left a bitter legacy for the Indonesian nation. The extent of the violence came as a shock to many, especially in a country, which had always claimed that its people were polite and friendly.

The House of Represntatives and the People’s Consultative Assembly (DPR and MPR), which till that time had continued to express loyalty to President Suharto, became alarmed that the escalating situation could result in widespread social conflicts that may endanger national unity.

After hours of difficult negotiations the leadership of the House finally urged President Suharto to resign and called on the people to exercise restraint and maintain national unity so that an orderly and constitutional change of government could take place. The new government was tasked to carry out wide-ranging reforms as demanded by the public.

In accordance with the 1945 Constitution, as Vice President I was sworn in to become president immediately after President Suharto announced his resignation on 21st May 1998. In the 17-month Democratic Transition period of my presidency, I personally led national efforts to overcome the multidimensional crisis and lay the foundation for Indonesia’s transition to democracy. I developed a systematic approach on finding solutions to various issues that are often related to one another and could be best described as follows:

1. Ensured that in the shortest time possible uncertainties were transformed into certainty through making large-scale changes;

2. Avoided making large scales changes through a “revolution” that could yield unpredictable results, but rather developed “accelerated evolution procedures” which were planned and implemented based on agreed rules and regulations, but at an accelerated pace.

3. Relaxed existing unproductive constraints to social, political and economic progress and prevented the formation of additional constraints.

4. Immediately became more transparent and continuously informed the people of the changes that are taking place.

5. Ensured that freedom of the press was given the highest priority to allow high quality of information to reach the people at the right time.

6. Guaranteed the freedom of speech and the freedom for people to voice their opinions, also if needed through peaceful protest and demonstrations.

7. Immediate release of all political prisoners

8. Allowed the creation of new political parties that must recognize and accept the existing Constitution.

9. Made it clear that the Constitution is a living document, allowing for amendments, without changing the basic principles and philosophy of the Nation.

10. Swift decisions taken to improve macroeconomic indicators, employment creation measurements, and prevention of the outflow of capital to achieve economic and political stability.

11. Solved immediately domestic and national issues without ignoring regional and international constraint

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

BJ Habibie pidato untuk Demokrasi MesirDiterbitkan oleh ArroisiTidak ada tanggapanDiterbitkan pada 29 Juni 2011BJ habibieRajani, Ladies and GentlemenIzinkan saya memberikan beberapa informasi tentang bagaimana transisi menuju demokrasi di Indonesia telah terjadi.Bank Dunia diperkirakan dalam laporannya 1997 rata-rata pertumbuhan ekonomi Indonesia 7,8 persen. Namun, di tengah-tengah pertumbuhan cepat ini krisis ekonomi meletus di tengah tahun.Penurunan nilai Baht, mata uang Thailand, diikuti oleh penurunan nilai mata uang lain di sejumlah negara Asia Tenggara dan Asia Timur, termasuk Filipina, Malaysia, Indonesia dan Korea Selatan. Semua negara-negara ini memiliki struktur ekonomi yang tidak semua yang berbeda dari yang dari Thailand, dan mereka semua mengalami 'gelembung ekonomi'.Krisis diendapkan penerbangan modal asing dari negara-negara ini dan mengakibatkan sistem perbankan mereka runtuh satu demi satu.Bank Indonesia berusaha menerapkan berbagai kebijakan untuk mempertahankan nilai rupiah, tapi krisis moneter, disertai dengan runtuhnya dalam keyakinan, membuat rupiah yang semakin sulit untuk mengontrol.Sebagai akibat dari krisis moneter, Perbankan Indonesia tidak lagi bisa berfungsi dengan baik untuk jangka waktu yang cukup.Dengan demikian, hal itu tidak mungkin untuk mendorong pertumbuhan di sektor riil dan dunia bisnis. Akibatnya, bisnis stagnasi.Penyediaan barang, terutama komoditas penting, terganggu, termasuk orang-orang yang dimaksudkan untuk konsumsi domestik dan ekspor. Sebagai akibatnya, makanan, dan esensial krisis komoditas lain menjadi tidak dapat dihindari.Situasi cepat berputar di luar kendali dan berevolusi menjadi krisis multidimensi berkepanjangan yang mempengaruhi berbagai bidang. Efek dari krisis disebabkan ekstrim kesulitan bagi orang-orang.Krisis moneter yang melanda Indonesia adalah bagian dari efek domino beriak keluar dari penurunan nilai mandi Thai terhadap dolar AS. Puncak krisis di Thailand dicapai pada 8 Desember 1997, ketika 56 negara 58 lembaga keuangan paling penting ditutup.Meskipun Bantuan Dana Moneter Internasional (IMF), sejak 8 Oktober 1997, krisis yang melanda bisnis menghasilkan banyak perusahaan peletakan off pekerja, mengarah ke peningkatan besar pengangguran.Dampak krisis moneter pada pekerjaan dalam satu tahun dari tahun 1997-1998 adalah sebagai berikut:1. pengangguran oleh 13,8% dari 28.2 32,1 juta2. pengangguran oleh 16,7% dari 4.68 juta 5,46Semua ini pada gilirannya menyebabkan untuk krisis sosial, serta masalah gangguan dan keamanan umum.Mereka yang tidak bisa menemukan pekerjaan di sektor formal pada akhirnya terpaksa bekerja di sektor informal, yang menderita banyak tingkat produktivitas yang lebih rendah.Kegelisahan umum dan ketakutan menjadi biasa seperti situasi memburuk. Indonesia, yang sebelumnya telah mencapai stabilitas ekonomi makro, menunjukkan itu sendiri tidak mampu menyiangi korupsi.Just the opposite, in fact, Indonesia under President Suharto’s New Order, proved itself to be a fertile ground for graft. Corruption was commonplace at both the central and local government levels, and affected all levels of administration, from the highest to the lowest.Collusion, frequently manifested in the granting of monopolies, further increased the gap between rich and poor, as only a small group was able to take advantage of the special opportunities and facilities available in the economic field.For the majority of the people, however, life continued to be a struggle, with most people living below the poverty line.Another problem was the concentration of the fruits of economic development in Java, while most areas outside this island remained mired in backwardness and poverty.Globalization and the emergence of a transparent world community, and much greater access to information have brought about a period of rapid change throughout the world.The Indonesian people responded to this change by demanding freedom, transparency, justice, and democracy based on human rights, responsibilities, and security.These new demands came to the fore within a relatively short period of time.The people now benefit from much greater freedom and greater transparency, and are braver but also more confused, more pessimistic about the future and sometimes even more indifferent.Perubahan yang cepat yang berlangsung di tingkat nasional dan global menyebabkan meningkatnya ketidakpastian antara orang-orang. Ketidakpastian ini mempengaruhi kredibilitas politisi dan ekonomi.Dipicu oleh krisis moneter, kebingungan dan kegelisahan dirasakan oleh masyarakat mengarah pada demonstrasi, terutama yang diselenggarakan oleh mahasiswa.Awalnya, menuntut bahwa Presiden Soeharto mengundurkan diri adalah sedikit dan jauh antara. Namun, seiring berjalannya waktu, itu menjadi lebih jelas bahwa siswa, didukung oleh masyarakat luas, ingin melihat bercerai pemerintahan Suharto yang sudah menguasai Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga dekade. Pada akhirnya siswa tidak lagi puas untuk mendengar janji-janji reformasi politik dan ekonomi dari pemerintah, tetapi menuntut perubahan rezim total.Krisis ekonomi yang diderita oleh Indonesia melemahkan dasar legitimasi yang dibangun pemerintah Orde Baru Soeharto. Jangka panjang pertumbuhan ekonomi telah diredam kritik terhadap rezim monopoli kekuasaan dan pembatasan kebebasan sipil dan politik. Namun, dengan terjadinya krisis ekonomi rakyat kesabaran mengenakan keluar. Kesulitan ekonomi, Wahyu pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan terang-terangan korupsi yang berkaitan erat dengan keluarga penguasa terkikis mendukung apapun yang tersisa untuk Presiden Soeharto.Hari demi hari, tuntutan untuk Presiden Soeharto untuk mundur tumbuh semakin nyaring dan melengking. Kejang-kejang yang berlangsung dalam masyarakat yang jelas dari laporan yang dilakukan di media.Sementara media di Indonesia telah melanggar sebelumnya dalam apa yang bisa itu melaporkan, itu sekarang bersedia mengambil berdiri dan menyatakan kemerdekaannya.Media mulai melaporkan secara bebas apa yang terjadi, dan pendapat dan pandangan yang diungkapkan dalam masyarakat.Ini euforia kebebasan pers dimungkinkan oleh pendekatan yang lebih lembut dari pihak berwenang sesuai dengan tuntutan reformasi.Tampaknya tak terbendung serangkaian demonstrasi mencapai klimaks dengan tragedi Trisakti pada 12 Mei 1998. Saat itu, mahasiswa dari Universitas Trisakti adalah pementasan demonstrasi tetapi dihadapkan oleh aparat keamanan. Bentrokan terjadi, di mana siswa 7 ditembak mati oleh peluru.Ini memicu serentetan luas kerusuhan dan gangguan dari Mei 13-15. It's worth dicatat bahwa Presiden Soeharto adalah benar-benar di Kairo menghadiri pertemuan selama periode ini penting.Kerusuhan meletus serentak di beberapa daerah dan kiri ratusan orang mati dan luas kerusakan properti di belakang mereka.Kerusuhan, penjarahan, pembakaran dan perkosaan meninggalkan warisan pahit bagi bangsa Indonesia. Tingkat kekerasan datang sebagai kejutan bagi banyak, terutama di negara, yang selalu mengklaim bahwa orang-orang yang sopan dan ramah.Rumah Represntatives dan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (DPR dan MPR), yang sampai saat itu telah terus Check kesetiaan kepada Presiden Soeharto, menjadi khawatir bahwa situasi meningkat dapat mengakibatkan konflik-konflik sosial yang luas yang dapat membahayakan Persatuan Nasional.Setelah jam negosiasi sulit Pimpinan DPR akhirnya mendesak Presiden Soeharto mengundurkan diri dan memanggil orang-orang untuk menahan diri dan mempertahankan Persatuan Nasional sehingga tertib dan konstitusional perubahan pemerintah bisa berlangsung. Pemerintah baru ini ditugaskan untuk melaksanakan reformasi luas sebagaimana yang dituntut oleh masyarakat.Sesuai dengan UUD 1945, sebagai Wakil Presiden saya dilantik menjadi Presiden segera setelah Presiden Soeharto mengumumkan pengunduran dirinya pada tanggal 21 Mei 1998. Periode transisi Demokratik 17 bulan kepresidenan saya, saya secara pribadi memimpin upaya nasional untuk mengatasi krisis multidimensi dan meletakkan landasan bagi Indonesia transisi menuju demokrasi. Saya mengembangkan pendekatan yang sistematis mencari solusi untuk berbagai masalah yang sering berhubungan dengan satu sama lain dan bisa terbaik dapat digambarkan sebagai berikut:1. memastikan bahwa dalam waktu sesingkat mungkin ketidakpastian disulap menjadi kepastian melalui membuat perubahan besar-besaran;2. menghindari membuat skala besar perubahan lewat "Revolusi" yang dapat menghasilkan hasil yang sulit diprediksi, tetapi lebih mengembangkan "dipercepat prosedur evolusi" yang direncanakan dan dilaksanakan berdasarkan peraturan yang disepakati, tetapi pada dipercepat kecepatan.3. santai yang ada tidak produktif kendala untuk kemajuan sosial, politik dan ekonomi dan mencegah pembentukan tambahan kendala.4. segera menjadi lebih transparan dan terus memberitahu orang-orang dari perubahan yang sedang berlangsung.5. memastikan bahwa kebebasan pers diberi prioritas tertinggi agar tingginya kualitas informasi untuk mencapai orang-orang pada waktu yang tepat.6. jaminan kebebasan berbicara dan kebebasan bagi orang untuk menyuarakan pendapat mereka, juga jika diperlukan melalui protes damai dan demonstrasi.7. segera semua tahanan politik8. memungkinkan pembentukan partai politik baru yang harus mengakui dan menerima Konstitusi yang sudah ada.9. membuatnya jelas bahwa Konstitusi adalah dokumen hidup, memungkinkan untuk amandemen, tanpa mengubah prinsip-prinsip dasar dan filsafat bangsa.10. cepat keputusan yang diambil untuk memperbaiki indikator makroekonomi, pengukuran penciptaan lapangan kerja dan pencegahan arus keluar modal untuk mencapai stabilitas ekonomi dan politik.11. diselesaikan masalah segera domestik dan nasional tanpa mengabaikan kendala regional dan internasional