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Elsewhere, the rebellion is represented as an indigenous “revitalization”of Korean culture (Kim H. 1980; Chung 1969, 118): a symbolicrebirth with the potential to transform the nation (Hong 1968, 50; LeeN. 1991) forestalled only by Japanese designs on the country (Wells1990, 8).Park Chung-hee also used the Donghak Revolution to justifypolitical programs—particularly the state’s core policy of “nationalisticdemocracy” (minjokjeok minjujuui). This policy served as anattempt to establish an indigenous form of democracy that would justifythe state’s claim to absolute power over the nation in terms ofKorea’s unique social and historical situation. Park thus asserted that“nationalistic democracy” was a form of indigenous democracy thatcould not be measured by political theories developed in the West(Kim 1994, 201). For the administration, historical precedent for this“nationalistic democracy” had been established through the DonghakRevolution. Park writes,As a beginning of a pre-modern popular revolution, at the sametime it [the Donghak Revolution] represented Korean nationalismagainst Japan and Western imperialist countries. . . . Principles forthe construction of . . . the Revolution included the popular Tonghakphilosophy “Man is God” which was the beginning of the Koreanizationof democracy.
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