Economist C. Fred Bergsten holds a position similar to the one express terjemahan - Economist C. Fred Bergsten holds a position similar to the one express Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Economist C. Fred Bergsten holds a

Economist C. Fred Bergsten holds a position similar to the one expressed in the CATO study, that
in lieu of multilateral trade negotiations, FTAs are the next best thing and promote global trade
liberalization. Bergsten has advocated establishing U.S. FTAs with New Zealand and with South
Korea. Economist Jeffrey Schott argues that some U.S. firms are being discriminated against
because FTAs are rapidly forming in which the United States is not a participant; therefore, in his
review, the United States must negotiate FTAs.
22
Bergsten and others have also advocated structuring FTAs in a manner that could serve as
building blocks of a global free trade system. Using the APEC plan as a model, Bergsten argues
for an FTA based on “open regionalism,” that is, establishing the road map for free trade and
investment in the Asian-Pacific region for 2010/2020 among the members but allowing other
countries to join if they agree to accede to the conditions. In order to minimize trade diversion, he
suggests that trade and investment could be implemented on an MFN principle, perhaps
conditional MFN in order to limit the “free rider” effects. Other countries, and other regional
groupings, Bergsten presumes, would be willing to accept the conditions having been enticed by
the trade and investment opportunities until most of the membership of the WTO would be
engaged in forming a free trade area.
23
A Heritage Foundation report draws up a similar proposal
for a “Global Free Trade Association.”
24
A third group opposes FTAs but also trade liberalization or “globalization” in general. Included in
this group are representatives of import-sensitive industries, for example labor unions, and
representatives of social action groups such as some environmentalists, who question the wisdom
of trade liberalization whether done through multilateral negotiations or through bilateral and
regional trading arrangements. They assert that trade liberalization unfairly affects workers by
exporting jobs to countries with lower wages and undermines the nation’s ability to protect the
environment by allowing companies to relocate to countries with less stringent environmental
regulations.
25
For example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) union has stated the following
position regarding the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA):
Such an agreement would provide broader protections for the rights of corporations, further
undermine the ability of governments in the region to regulate their economies in the
interests of their citizens and intensify the downward pressure on workers’ incomes through
competition for jobs and investments. All of this would take place in the absence of any
counter-balancing protections for workers, consumers or the environment. This is why the
UAW has consistently opposed the direction of these negotiations, the positions taken by the
U.S. government, and worked closely with other organizations in the region to oppose the
creation of an FTAA
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Economist C. Fred Bergsten holds a position similar to the one expressed in the CATO study, that in lieu of multilateral trade negotiations, FTAs are the next best thing and promote global trade liberalization. Bergsten has advocated establishing U.S. FTAs with New Zealand and with South Korea. Economist Jeffrey Schott argues that some U.S. firms are being discriminated against because FTAs are rapidly forming in which the United States is not a participant; therefore, in his review, the United States must negotiate FTAs.22Bergsten and others have also advocated structuring FTAs in a manner that could serve as building blocks of a global free trade system. Using the APEC plan as a model, Bergsten argues for an FTA based on “open regionalism,” that is, establishing the road map for free trade and investment in the Asian-Pacific region for 2010/2020 among the members but allowing other countries to join if they agree to accede to the conditions. In order to minimize trade diversion, he suggests that trade and investment could be implemented on an MFN principle, perhaps conditional MFN in order to limit the “free rider” effects. Other countries, and other regional groupings, Bergsten presumes, would be willing to accept the conditions having been enticed by the trade and investment opportunities until most of the membership of the WTO would be engaged in forming a free trade area.23A Heritage Foundation report draws up a similar proposal for a “Global Free Trade Association.”24A third group opposes FTAs but also trade liberalization or “globalization” in general. Included in this group are representatives of import-sensitive industries, for example labor unions, and representatives of social action groups such as some environmentalists, who question the wisdom of trade liberalization whether done through multilateral negotiations or through bilateral and regional trading arrangements. They assert that trade liberalization unfairly affects workers by exporting jobs to countries with lower wages and undermines the nation’s ability to protect the environment by allowing companies to relocate to countries with less stringent environmental regulations.25For example, the United Auto Workers (UAW) union has stated the following position regarding the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA): Such an agreement would provide broader protections for the rights of corporations, further undermine the ability of governments in the region to regulate their economies in the interests of their citizens and intensify the downward pressure on workers’ incomes through competition for jobs and investments. All of this would take place in the absence of any counter-balancing protections for workers, consumers or the environment. This is why the UAW has consistently opposed the direction of these negotiations, the positions taken by the U.S. government, and worked closely with other organizations in the region to oppose the creation of an FTAA
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
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Ekonom C. Fred Bergsten memegang posisi yang sama dengan yang diungkapkan dalam studi CATO, bahwa
sebagai pengganti negosiasi perdagangan multilateral, FTA adalah hal terbaik berikutnya dan mempromosikan perdagangan global
liberalisasi. Bergsten telah menganjurkan membangun FTA AS dengan Selandia Baru dan dengan South
Korea. Ekonom Jeffrey Schott berpendapat bahwa beberapa perusahaan AS sedang didiskriminasi
karena FTA dengan cepat membentuk di mana Amerika Serikat tidak peserta; Oleh karena itu, dalam bukunya
review, Amerika Serikat harus bernegosiasi FTA.
22
Bergsten dan lain-lain juga telah menganjurkan FTA penataan dengan cara yang bisa berfungsi sebagai
blok bangunan dari sistem perdagangan bebas global. Menggunakan rencana APEC sebagai model, Bergsten berpendapat
untuk FTA berdasarkan "regionalisme terbuka," yaitu, membangun peta jalan untuk perdagangan bebas dan
investasi di kawasan Asia-Pasifik untuk 2010/2020 antara anggota tetapi memungkinkan lainnya
negara untuk bergabung jika mereka setuju untuk menyetujui kondisi. Dalam rangka meminimalkan pengalihan perdagangan, ia
menunjukkan bahwa perdagangan dan investasi dapat diterapkan pada prinsip MFN, mungkin
bersyarat MFN untuk membatasi "pengendara bebas" efek. Negara-negara lain, dan daerah lainnya
pengelompokan, Bergsten menganggap, akan bersedia menerima kondisi yang telah tertarik dengan
peluang perdagangan dan investasi sampai sebagian dari keanggotaan WTO akan
terlibat dalam membentuk kawasan perdagangan bebas.
23
Laporan Heritage Foundation menyusun proposal yang sama
untuk "Global Asosiasi Perdagangan Bebas."
24
Kelompok ketiga menentang FTA tetapi juga liberalisasi perdagangan atau "globalisasi" secara umum. Termasuk dalam
kelompok ini adalah perwakilan dari industri impor-sensitif, misalnya serikat buruh, dan
wakil-wakil dari kelompok aksi sosial seperti beberapa pencinta lingkungan, yang mempertanyakan kebijaksanaan
liberalisasi perdagangan baik yang dilakukan melalui negosiasi multilateral atau melalui bilateral dan
pengaturan perdagangan regional. Mereka menegaskan bahwa liberalisasi perdagangan tidak adil mempengaruhi pekerja dengan
mengekspor pekerjaan ke negara-negara dengan upah yang lebih rendah dan melemahkan kemampuan bangsa untuk melindungi
lingkungan dengan memungkinkan perusahaan untuk pindah ke negara-negara dengan lingkungan kurang ketat
peraturan.
25
Misalnya, United Auto Workers (UAW) serikat telah menyatakan sebagai berikut
posisi mengenai Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA):
Seperti kesepakatan akan memberikan perlindungan yang lebih luas terhadap hak-hak perusahaan, lanjut
melemahkan kemampuan pemerintah di wilayah tersebut untuk mengatur ekonomi mereka dalam
kepentingan warga negara mereka dan mengintensifkan tekanan pada pendapatan pekerja melalui
kompetisi untuk pekerjaan dan investasi. Semua ini akan berlangsung di tidak adanya
perlindungan kontra-balancing untuk pekerja, konsumen atau lingkungan. Inilah sebabnya mengapa
UAW telah secara konsisten menentang arah negosiasi ini, posisi yang diambil oleh
pemerintah AS, dan bekerja sama dengan organisasi lain di kawasan untuk menentang
penciptaan FTAA
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