Property rights need not be private—they can be communal or public (st terjemahan - Property rights need not be private—they can be communal or public (st Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Property rights need not be private

Property rights need not be private—they can be communal or public (state)—but they need to be well-defined, secure, and transferable if they are to effectively internalize depletion costs. Where traditional, customary or communal rights exist, the best policy might be the recognition and strengthening of these rights rather than their supplantation with private property rights, especially if the latter is alien to the local culture.
Property rights are particularly applicable to land and soils (land rights), water resources (water rights), minerals (mining rights), and other natural resources which can be parceled out and enclosed or their boundaries easily demarcated and defended, as the ability to exclude non-owners is critical to the effectiveness of property rights as an economic instrument that induces rational resource use. Property rights are less applicable to situations where the resource is mobile or fugacious, i.e., it moves across boundaries (e.g., marine fisheries), or where significant externalities infringe on the content of the property rights, as when downstream land, water or a fishery resource are the receptors of upstream externalities (e.g., damage from floods or water pollution resulting from upstream deforestation or runoff of agrochemicals). In both these cases—a fugacious resource or significant externalities—the security and exclusivity of the property right is compromised and the right might no longer act as an incentive for efficient use and management; at the limit, the behavior of the “owner” resembles that of an exploiter of open-access resources who maximizes short-term capture and minimizes long-term investment. This behavior is also exhibited by farmers with only use rights or insecure land titles: they tend to “mine” rather than farm the land.
Finally, property rights (at least in their conventional form) are not a suitable instrument for environmental management where the resource itself or its use generates significant externalities, for example, a forest in an upstream watershed. In this case, property rights to the forest within the watershed would fail to internalize the environmental benefits of forest conservation (and environmental costs of forest harvest) to downstream activities. The result would be too little forest conservation and too much forest harvest from the society's point of view. If the externality was private, involving one or very few easily identified parties, the assignment of secure property rights to both upstream and downstream activities would have been sufficient to produce an efficient allocation, through either (a) bargaining between the parties involved or (b) unitization, that is, one party would buy out the other and unify the upstream and downstream activity under a single management (i.e., internalize the externality).
In the case of a public (widespread) externality with many sources and receptors, the bargaining between the parties is constrained by high transaction costs (information, negotiation, policing, etc.).
Unitization, which can be effected either through assignment of property rights to the entire river basin or to a single owner, could result in monopoly control (another market failure) even if the distributional considerations could be addressed. A consequence of the above limitations of property rights is their unsuitability for management of environmental resources such as air, water, atmosphere and the global climate.
However, as we will see below, it is still possible to use the advantages of property rights without their limitations in the protection of the environment and management of fugacious resources through innovative market creation (e.g., tradeable emission permits, tradeable catch
quotas, etc.).
As shown in Figure 2, property rights are of three main types: (a) ownership rights, such as land titles and water rights; (b) use rights, such as licenses, concession bidding, usufruct certificates, and access rights (e.g., to roads, parks, etc.); and (c) development rights as distinct from both ownership rights and use rights. Unattenuated, indefinite ownership is the purest form of property right while short-term use rights lie at the other extreme. For scarce resources with no significant externalities, unattenuated, private ownership rights are likely to result in the most efficient resource use and management (including long-term investment and conservation), provided private property is consistent with the social norms and traditions of the society concerned; otherwise, the private property owners would not feel fully secure or high enforcement costs would partially or fully offset the social gains from improved resource management. Divergence between the private and social discount rates also creates a wedge between private and social objectives but it does not, by itself, “invalidate” private ownership. As an economic instrument of efficient revenue allocation, it can be bridged either by eliminating the source of the divergence (economic and political uncertainty, highinterest rate policies, etc.) or by introducing supplementary economic or regulatory instruments (e.g., maximum allowable cut, tax on the rate of resource extraction, or subsidies for soil conservation).
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1: [Salinan]
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Hak milik tidak perlu pribadi — mereka dapat komunal atau publik (negara)- tetapi mereka harus didefinisikan dengan baik, aman dan tidak dapat dipindahtangankan jika mereka secara efektif menginternalisasi penipisan biaya. Mana ada hak-hak tradisional, adat atau komunal, Polis terbaik mungkin pengakuan dan memperkuat hak-hak ini daripada mereka supplantation dengan hak milik pribadi, terutama jika yang terakhir adalah asing bagi budaya lokal.
Hak terutama berlaku untuk tanah (hak atas tanah), dan tanah air sumber daya (air hak), mineral (hak pertambangan), dan sumber daya alam lainnya yang dapat tersebut dibagi dan tertutup atau batas-batas mereka dengan mudah dipisahkan dan dipertahankan, seperti kemampuan untuk mengecualikan non-pemilik penting untuk efektivitas hak milik sebagai instrumen ekonomi yang menginduksi penggunaan sumber daya yang rasional. Hak-hak properti yang kurang berlaku untuk situasi di mana sumber daya ponsel atau fugacious, yaitu, bergerak melintasi batas-batas (misalnya, perikanan laut), atau di mana eksternalitas signifikan melanggar isi hak milik, seperti ketika hilir tanah, air, atau sumber daya perikanan reseptor hulu eksternalitas (misalnya, kerusakan dari banjir atau pencemaran air yang dihasilkan dari deforestasi hulu atau limpasan Agrochemicals). Dalam kedua kasus ini — sumber daya fugacious atau eksternalitas signifikan — keamanan dan eksklusivitas properti benar terganggu dan hak mungkin tidak lagi bertindak sebagai insentif untuk penggunaan yang efisien dan manajemen; di batas, perilaku "pemilik" menyerupai exploiter daya akses terbuka yang memaksimalkan menangkap jangka pendek dan meminimalkan investasi jangka panjang. Perilaku ini juga dipamerkan oleh petani dengan hanya menggunakan hak atau tidak aman tanah judul: mereka cenderung untuk "saya" daripada pertanian tanah.
Akhirnya, hak milik (setidaknya dalam bentuk konvensional) yang tidak cocok instrumen pengelolaan lingkungan hidup yang mana sumber sendiri atau penggunaannya menghasilkan eksternalitas signifikan, misalnya, sebuah hutan di daerah aliran sungai hulu. Dalam kasus ini, hak milik atas hutan dalam Das akan gagal untuk menginternalisasi manfaat lingkungan hutan konservasi (dan biaya lingkungan hutan panen) untuk kegiatan hilir. Hasilnya akan menjadi terlalu sedikit konservasi hutan dan terlalu banyak panen hutan dari masyarakat pandang. Jika eksternalitas pribadi, melibatkan satu atau sangat sedikit mudah diidentifikasi pihak, penugasan hak milik aman untuk kegiatan hulu dan hilir mungkin sudah cukup untuk menghasilkan alokasi efisien, melalui baik () tawar-menawar antara pihak-pihak yang terlibat atau (b) unitization, yaitu salah satu pihak akan membeli yang lain dan menyatukan kegiatan hulu dan hilir di bawah suatu manajemen tertentu (yakni, menginternalisasi eksternalitas).
Dalam kasus eksternalitas (luas) yang umum dengan banyak sumber dan reseptor, tawar-menawar antara pihak dibatasi oleh biaya transaksi yang tinggi (informasi, negosiasi, kebijakan, dll.).
Unitization, yang dapat dilakukan baik melalui penetapan hak milik seluruh aliran sungai atau pemilik tunggal, dapat menyebabkan monopoli kontrol (kegagalan pasar lain) bahkan jika distribusi pertimbangan dapat diatasi. Konsekuensi dari batasan di atas hak milik adalah ketidaksesuaian mereka untuk pengelolaan lingkungan sumber daya seperti udara, air, suasana dan iklim global.
Namun, seperti yang kita lihat di bawah ini, masih mungkin untuk menggunakan keuntungan dari hak tanpa keterbatasan mereka dalam perlindungan lingkungan hidup dan pengelolaan sumber daya fugacious melalui penciptaan pasar inovatif (misalnya, tradeable emisi izin, menangkap tradeable
kuota, dll.).
Seperti yang ditunjukkan pada gambar 2, hak milik adalah tiga jenis utama: hak kepemilikan (), seperti tanah dan hak-hak air; (b) menggunakan hak-hak, lisensi, konsesi penawaran, usufruct sertifikat, dan mengakses hak (misalnya, untuk jalan-jalan, Taman, dll); dan (c) pengembangan hak yang berbeda dengan hak kepemilikan maupun hak guna. Unattenuated, tak terbatas kepemilikan adalah bentuk yang paling murni benar milik sementara jangka pendek hak guna berbaring di sisi ekstrem lain. Untuk sumber daya yang langka dengan eksternalitas signifikan tidak, hak-hak kepemilikan pribadi yang unattenuated, cenderung mengakibatkan paling efisien penggunaan sumber daya dan manajemen (termasuk investasi jangka panjang dan konservasi), disediakan milik pribadi konsisten dengan norma-norma sosial dan tradisi masyarakat yang bersangkutan; Jika tidak, Para pemilik properti pribadi tidak akan merasa sepenuhnya aman atau biaya tinggi penegakan akan sebagian atau sepenuhnya mengimbangi keuntungan sosial dari pengelolaan sumberdaya ditingkatkan. Perbedaan antara harga diskon pribadi dan sosial juga menciptakan baji antara tujuan pribadi dan sosial tetapi tidak, dengan sendirinya, "membatalkan" kepemilikan swasta. Sebagai instrumen ekonomi alokasi pendapatan efisien, dapat dijembatani dengan menghilangkan sumber perbedaan (ketidakpastian ekonomi dan politik, kebijakan tingkat highinterest, dll) atau dengan memperkenalkan tambahan ekonomi atau peraturan instrumen (misalnya, maksimum tebang, pajak pada tingkat ekstraksi sumber daya, atau subsidi untuk konservasi tanah).
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
Property rights need not be private—they can be communal or public (state)—but they need to be well-defined, secure, and transferable if they are to effectively internalize depletion costs. Where traditional, customary or communal rights exist, the best policy might be the recognition and strengthening of these rights rather than their supplantation with private property rights, especially if the latter is alien to the local culture.
Property rights are particularly applicable to land and soils (land rights), water resources (water rights), minerals (mining rights), and other natural resources which can be parceled out and enclosed or their boundaries easily demarcated and defended, as the ability to exclude non-owners is critical to the effectiveness of property rights as an economic instrument that induces rational resource use. Property rights are less applicable to situations where the resource is mobile or fugacious, i.e., it moves across boundaries (e.g., marine fisheries), or where significant externalities infringe on the content of the property rights, as when downstream land, water or a fishery resource are the receptors of upstream externalities (e.g., damage from floods or water pollution resulting from upstream deforestation or runoff of agrochemicals). In both these cases—a fugacious resource or significant externalities—the security and exclusivity of the property right is compromised and the right might no longer act as an incentive for efficient use and management; at the limit, the behavior of the “owner” resembles that of an exploiter of open-access resources who maximizes short-term capture and minimizes long-term investment. This behavior is also exhibited by farmers with only use rights or insecure land titles: they tend to “mine” rather than farm the land.
Finally, property rights (at least in their conventional form) are not a suitable instrument for environmental management where the resource itself or its use generates significant externalities, for example, a forest in an upstream watershed. In this case, property rights to the forest within the watershed would fail to internalize the environmental benefits of forest conservation (and environmental costs of forest harvest) to downstream activities. The result would be too little forest conservation and too much forest harvest from the society's point of view. If the externality was private, involving one or very few easily identified parties, the assignment of secure property rights to both upstream and downstream activities would have been sufficient to produce an efficient allocation, through either (a) bargaining between the parties involved or (b) unitization, that is, one party would buy out the other and unify the upstream and downstream activity under a single management (i.e., internalize the externality).
In the case of a public (widespread) externality with many sources and receptors, the bargaining between the parties is constrained by high transaction costs (information, negotiation, policing, etc.).
Unitization, which can be effected either through assignment of property rights to the entire river basin or to a single owner, could result in monopoly control (another market failure) even if the distributional considerations could be addressed. A consequence of the above limitations of property rights is their unsuitability for management of environmental resources such as air, water, atmosphere and the global climate.
However, as we will see below, it is still possible to use the advantages of property rights without their limitations in the protection of the environment and management of fugacious resources through innovative market creation (e.g., tradeable emission permits, tradeable catch
quotas, etc.).
As shown in Figure 2, property rights are of three main types: (a) ownership rights, such as land titles and water rights; (b) use rights, such as licenses, concession bidding, usufruct certificates, and access rights (e.g., to roads, parks, etc.); and (c) development rights as distinct from both ownership rights and use rights. Unattenuated, indefinite ownership is the purest form of property right while short-term use rights lie at the other extreme. For scarce resources with no significant externalities, unattenuated, private ownership rights are likely to result in the most efficient resource use and management (including long-term investment and conservation), provided private property is consistent with the social norms and traditions of the society concerned; otherwise, the private property owners would not feel fully secure or high enforcement costs would partially or fully offset the social gains from improved resource management. Divergence between the private and social discount rates also creates a wedge between private and social objectives but it does not, by itself, “invalidate” private ownership. As an economic instrument of efficient revenue allocation, it can be bridged either by eliminating the source of the divergence (economic and political uncertainty, highinterest rate policies, etc.) or by introducing supplementary economic or regulatory instruments (e.g., maximum allowable cut, tax on the rate of resource extraction, or subsidies for soil conservation).
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