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Vegetable intake is also influenced by income, as low-income consumers display low vegetable consumption ([3] Bertail and Caillavet, 2008) for both organic ([5] Boccaletti and Nadella, 2000) and the higher quality classes of vegetables (e.g. Class I vegetables in UK) ([31] Leather, 1995). This is due to the higher price of these particular classes of vegetables compared to their lower class counterparts (e.g. Class II vegetables in UK). Elaborating on the above, [42] Perez-Cueto et al. (2010) suggest that non-obese consumers tend to be more interested than their obese counterparts in dimensions of quality, such as freshness and organic production indicating a greater interest in the link between health and food consumption. Therefore, a key element when examining the influence of price on consumer behaviour is the degree to which several quality cues are traded-off against price ([21] Grunert et al. , 2009). Hence, organic and higher quality class vegetables should provide high satisfaction to consumers ([39] Ness et al. , 2010).Organic vegetable intake is also influenced by consumers' subjective and objective knowledge. Subjective knowledge is a better predictor as it increases the perceived certainty about selecting organic vegetables ([45] Pieniak et al. , 2010b). Supporting the latter, [48] Thogersen (2009) notes that uncertainty about the concept of organic vegetables is the main barrier for their consumption; as consumers tend to display a low level of trust in organic food quality certifications ([7] Botonaki et al. , 2006).The interpretation of consumer behaviour towards food in general and vegetables in particular can be facilitated by consumer segmentation ([44] Pieniak et al. , 2010a) and it can support the design of social marketing and policy campaigns targeting specific consumer segments ([19] Geeroms et al. , 2008). In relation to vegetable consumer segmentation, past studies have mainly focused on consumer preferences for quality cues ([30] Le and Ledauphin, 2006) and the level of consumption ([3] Bertail and Caillavet, 2008; [9] Brueckner et al. , 2007). Specifically, [3] Bertail and Caillavet (2008) segmented consumers in France on the basis of the level of consumption. They revealed six segments that displayed statistically significant differences in terms of income, education, household size, and to the importance they attach to price as a selection criterion. In relation to tomato, [30] Le and Ledauphin (2006) segmented tomato consumers in France based on their preferences for tomato attributes. They identified three segments: the first two segments are similar as consumers like sweet, small and flavourful tomatoes, whereas consumers of the third segment do not like sweet tomatoes. [9] Brueckner et al. (2007) examined the low vegetable intake of children and young consumers, and conducted a series of taste experiments using cherry tomatoes, the taste of which had been modified in terms of sweetness and sourness by using different concentrations of sugar and acids. They revealed three clusters with different preferences for acid and sugar concentrations, but found no significant differences regarding gender, age and body weight.
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