at all from hosting the ICAO in Montreal. Geneva served as a second ho terjemahan - at all from hosting the ICAO in Montreal. Geneva served as a second ho Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

at all from hosting the ICAO in Mon

at all from hosting the ICAO in Montreal. Geneva served as a second home for the
UN and as the headquarters for a range of UN subsidiary organizations for over half
a century before Switzerland even joined the UN in 2002. Kenya may gain some
slight political advantage from hosting the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi, but no more than that. Kenya did, however, gain
significant international prestige from being the first developing country to host the
secretariat of a major IO. A headquarters in Nairobi, however, can be a mixed blessing
from the perspective of the effectiveness of the organization. It makes UNEP a less
appealing draw for experts, and keeps it farther from the centers of the multilateral
system than would be the case if its secretariat were located in Geneva.
Personnel issues are often more the result of relative national power than its
cause. For example, South Africa holds the presidency of the Security Organ of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) more than any other member
country. But this is a reflection of, rather than any real source of, the central role
that South Africa plays in southern African security issues. Personnel issues can
matter in IO bureaucracies below the top level as well. Many positions throughout
IO bureaucracies require “professional” qualifications and university degrees. A
much higher proportion of citizens of developed countries than developing countries
have these sorts of qualifications, meaning that a disproportionate number of
the middle managers of IOs are often from developed countries. Furthermore,
many of the managers from developing countries received their qualifications from
universities in developed countries. Even if IO bureaucrats do not consciously represent
the interests of their home countries or regions in their professional capacities,
they can nonetheless imbue their organizations with values and mindsets that
were learned in or reflect the interests of the developed rather than developing
world.30
This observation leads to the final category of sources of relative national power
in the creation and management of IOs: ideology. The notion that the ideology
underlying IOs can empower some states over others is more contentious than the
notion that different voting structures can be differentially empowering. Ideology is
a form of the third face of power; its effects can be very difficult to measure. But it
is an issue worth taking seriously, for both research design and empirical reasons. In
terms of research design, the difficulty of measurement should not determine what
social scientists do and do not study. Empirically, IOs are often charged by their
detractors with ideologically empowering some states over others. If students of IOs
are to weigh these charges, they must be able to determine whether there is any substance
to them.
Examples of these sorts of charges come from across the ideological spectrum.
During the latter half of the Cold War, the UN as a whole, along with particular
organizations within it, such as the GA and UNESCO (the United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization), was deemed by many U.S.
politicians to be too sympathetic to socialism, thus empowering the Soviet Bloc in
the Cold War.31 This charge contributed to the U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO,
and to the gradual decline of American enthusiasm for the UN from its peak in the
early post–World War II era.32 Meanwhile, both critics of IOs from developing
countries and critics of globalization from developed countries have charged that
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at all from hosting the ICAO in Montreal. Geneva served as a second home for theUN and as the headquarters for a range of UN subsidiary organizations for over halfa century before Switzerland even joined the UN in 2002. Kenya may gain someslight political advantage from hosting the United Nations EnvironmentProgramme (UNEP) in Nairobi, but no more than that. Kenya did, however, gainsignificant international prestige from being the first developing country to host thesecretariat of a major IO. A headquarters in Nairobi, however, can be a mixed blessingfrom the perspective of the effectiveness of the organization. It makes UNEP a lessappealing draw for experts, and keeps it farther from the centers of the multilateralsystem than would be the case if its secretariat were located in Geneva.Personnel issues are often more the result of relative national power than itscause. For example, South Africa holds the presidency of the Security Organ of theSouthern African Development Community (SADC) more than any other membercountry. But this is a reflection of, rather than any real source of, the central rolethat South Africa plays in southern African security issues. Personnel issues canmatter in IO bureaucracies below the top level as well. Many positions throughoutIO bureaucracies require “professional” qualifications and university degrees. Amuch higher proportion of citizens of developed countries than developing countrieshave these sorts of qualifications, meaning that a disproportionate number ofthe middle managers of IOs are often from developed countries. Furthermore,many of the managers from developing countries received their qualifications fromuniversities in developed countries. Even if IO bureaucrats do not consciously representthe interests of their home countries or regions in their professional capacities,they can nonetheless imbue their organizations with values and mindsets thatwere learned in or reflect the interests of the developed rather than developingworld.30This observation leads to the final category of sources of relative national powerin the creation and management of IOs: ideology. The notion that the ideologyunderlying IOs can empower some states over others is more contentious than thenotion that different voting structures can be differentially empowering. Ideology isa form of the third face of power; its effects can be very difficult to measure. But itis an issue worth taking seriously, for both research design and empirical reasons. Interms of research design, the difficulty of measurement should not determine whatsocial scientists do and do not study. Empirically, IOs are often charged by theirdetractors with ideologically empowering some states over others. If students of IOsare to weigh these charges, they must be able to determine whether there is any substanceto them.Examples of these sorts of charges come from across the ideological spectrum.During the latter half of the Cold War, the UN as a whole, along with particularorganizations within it, such as the GA and UNESCO (the United NationsEducational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization), was deemed by many U.S.politicians to be too sympathetic to socialism, thus empowering the Soviet Bloc inthe Cold War.31 This charge contributed to the U.S. withdrawal from UNESCO,and to the gradual decline of American enthusiasm for the UN from its peak in theearly post–World War II era.32 Meanwhile, both critics of IOs from developingcountries and critics of globalization from developed countries have charged that
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sama sekali dari hosting ICAO di Montreal. Jenewa menjabat sebagai rumah kedua bagi
PBB dan sebagai markas untuk berbagai organisasi anak perusahaan PBB selama lebih dari setengah
abad sebelum Swiss bahkan bergabung dengan PBB pada tahun 2002. Kenya bisa mendapatkan beberapa
keuntungan politik sedikit dari hosting United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP ) di Nairobi, tapi tidak lebih dari itu. Kenya, bagaimanapun, memperoleh
prestise internasional yang signifikan dari menjadi negara pertama berkembang menjadi tuan rumah
sekretariat dari IO utama. Sebuah kantor pusat di Nairobi, bagaimanapun, dapat menjadi berkat campuran
dari perspektif efektivitas organisasi. Itu membuat UNEP kurang
imbang menarik bagi para ahli, dan menyimpannya jauh dari pusat-pusat dari multilateral
sistem daripada akan terjadi jika sekretariatnya berada di Jenewa.
Isu Personil sering lebih merupakan hasil dari kekuatan nasional relatif dibandingkan
penyebab. Misalnya, Afrika Selatan memegang kepresidenan Organ Keamanan
Masyarakat Pembangunan Afrika Selatan (SADC) lebih dari anggota lainnya
negara. Tapi ini adalah refleksi dari, daripada sumber nyata, peran sentral
bahwa Afrika Selatan bermain di masalah keamanan selatan Afrika. Masalah personil dapat
masalah di IO birokrasi di bawah tingkat atas juga. Banyak posisi di seluruh
IO birokrasi membutuhkan " profesional " kualifikasi dan gelar universitas. Sebuah
proporsi yang jauh lebih tinggi dari warga negara-negara maju dari negara-negara berkembang
memiliki hal-kualifikasi, yang berarti bahwa jumlah yang tidak proporsional dari
manajer tengah IOS sering dari negara-negara maju. Selanjutnya,
banyak manajer dari negara-negara berkembang menerima kualifikasi mereka dari
universitas di negara-negara maju. Bahkan jika IO birokrat tidak sadar mewakili
kepentingan negara-negara asal mereka atau wilayah dalam kapasitas profesional mereka,
mereka tetap bisa mengilhami organisasi mereka dengan nilai-nilai dan pola pikir yang
sedang belajar di atau mencerminkan kepentingan dikembangkan daripada mengembangkan
world.30
Pengamatan ini mengarah ke kategori akhir sumber daya nasional relatif
dalam pembuatan dan pengelolaan dari iOS: ideologi. Gagasan bahwa ideologi
yang mendasari IOS dapat memberdayakan beberapa negara atas orang lain adalah lebih kontroversial dari
gagasan bahwa struktur voting yang berbeda dapat berbeda-beda memberdayakan. Ideologi adalah
bentuk wajah ketiga kekuasaan; efeknya bisa sangat sulit untuk diukur. Tapi itu
adalah masalah layak mengambil serius, untuk kedua desain penelitian dan alasan empiris. Dalam
hal desain penelitian, kesulitan pengukuran tidak harus menentukan apa yang
para ilmuwan sosial yang dan tidak belajar. Secara empiris, IOS sering dikenakan oleh mereka
para pengkritiknya dengan ideologis memberdayakan beberapa negara atas orang lain. Jika siswa dari IOS
yang membebani biaya ini, mereka harus mampu menentukan apakah ada zat
untuk mereka.
Contoh jenis ini biaya berasal dari seluruh spektrum ideologi.
Selama paruh kedua Perang Dingin, PBB sebagai utuh, bersama dengan khusus
organisasi di dalamnya, seperti GA dan UNESCO (United Nations
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization), dianggap oleh banyak US
politisi terlalu bersimpati pada sosialisme, sehingga memberdayakan Blok Soviet di
Perang Dingin 0,31 biaya ini memberikan kontribusi terhadap penarikan AS dari UNESCO,
dan penurunan bertahap antusiasme Amerika untuk PBB dari puncaknya di
awal pasca - era.32 Perang Dunia II Sementara itu, kritikus dari iOS dari mengembangkan
negara dan pengkritik globalisasi dari negara-negara maju telah menuduh bahwa
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