Suppose, for example, you are handed an unfamiliar piece of fruit. You terjemahan - Suppose, for example, you are handed an unfamiliar piece of fruit. You Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Suppose, for example, you are hande

Suppose, for example, you are handed an unfamiliar piece of fruit. You automatically classify it by its physical appearance, smell, taste, and the circumstances under which it is given. A large amount of in- formation is activated within seconds, not just the comparison of the fruit in hand with other kinds but also the emotional feelings, recollec- tions of previous discoveries of similar nature, and memories of dietary customs that seem appropriate. The fruit—all its characteristics com- pounded—is given a name. Consider the durian of Southeast Asia, re- garded by aficionados as the greatest of all tropical fruits. It looks like a spiny grapefruit, tastes sweet with a transient custardlike nuance, and when held away from the mouth smells like a sewer. The experi- ence of a single piece establishes, I assure you, the concept "durian" for a lifetime.


The natural elements of culture can be reasonably supposed to be the hierarchically arranged components of semantic memory, en- coded by discrete neural circuits awaiting identification. The notion of a culture unit, the most basic element of all, has been around for over thirty years, and has been dubbed by different authors variously as mnemotype, idea, idene, meme, sociogene, concept, culturgen, and culture type. The one label that has caught on the most, and for which I now vote to be winner, is meme, introduced by Richard Dawkins in his influential work The Selfish Gene in 1976.
The definition of meme I suggest is nevertheless more focused and somewhat different from that of Dawkins. It is the one posed by the theoretical biologist Charles J. Lumsden and myself in 1981, when we outlined the first full theory of gene-culture coevolution. We recom- mended that the unit of culture—now called meme—be the same as the node of semantic memory and its correlates in brain activity. The level of the node, whether concept (the simplest recognizable unit), proposition, or schema, determines the complexity of the idea, behav- ior, or artifact that it helps to sustain in the culture at large.
I realize that with advances in the neurosciences and psychology the notion of node-as-meme, and perhaps even the distinction be- tween episodic and semantic memory, are likely to give way to more sophisticated and complex taxonomies. I realize also that the assign- ment of the unit of culture to neuroscience might seem at first an attempt to short-circuit semiotics, the formal study of all forms of com- munication. That objection would be unjustified. My purpose in this exposition is the opposite, to establish the plausibility of the central program of consilience, in this instance the causal connections be- tween semiotics and biology. If the connections can be established empirically, then future discoveries concerning the nodes of semantic memory will correspondingly sharpen the definition of memes. Such an advance will enrich, not replace, semiotics.



I CONCEDE that the very expression "genes to culture," as the con- ceptual keystone of the bridge between science and the humanities, has an ethereal feel to it. How can anyone presume to speak of a gene that prescribes culture? The answer is that no serious scientist ever has. The web of causal events comprising gene-culture coevolution is more complicated—and immensely more interesting. Thousands of genes


prescribe the brain, the sensory system, and all the other physiological processes that interact with the physical and social environment to pro- duce the holistic properties of mind and culture. Through natural se- lection, the environment ultimately selects which genes will do the prescribing.
For its implications throughout biology and the social sciences, no subject is intellectually more important. All biologists speak of the interaction between heredity and environment. They do not, except in laboratory shorthand, speak of a gene "causing" a particular behavior, and they never mean it literally. That would make no more sense than its converse, the idea of behavior arising from culture without the in- tervention of brain activity. The accepted explanation of causation from genes to culture, as from genes to any other product of life, is not heredity alone. It is not environment alone. It is interaction between the two.
Of course it is interaction. But we need more information about interaction in order to encompass gene-culture coevolution. The cen- tral clarifying concept of interactionism is the norm of reaction. The idea is easily grasped as follows. Choose a species of organism, whether animal, plant, or microorganism. Select either one gene or a group of genes that act together to affect a particular trait. Then list all the envi- ronments in which the species can survive. The different environ- ments may or may not cause variation in the trait prescribed by the selected gene or group of genes. The total variation in the trait in all the survivable environments is the norm of reaction of that gene or group of genes in that species.
The textbook case of a norm of reaction is leaf shape in the arrow- leaf, an amphibious plant. When an individual of the species grows on the land, its leaves resemble arrowheads. When it grows in shallow water, the leaves at the surface are shaped like lily pads; and when sub- merged in deeper water, the leaves develop as eelgrasslike ribbons that sway back and forth in the surrounding current. No known genetic dif- ferences among the plants underlie this extraordinary variation. The three basic types are variations in the expression of the same group of genes caused by different environments. Together they compose the norm of reaction of the genes prescribing leaf form. They embrace, in other words, the full variation in expression of the genes in all known survivable environments.
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Anggaplah, misalnya, Anda diberikan sepotong buah asing. Anda secara otomatis mengklasifikasikan oleh penampilan fisiknya, bau, rasa, dan keadaan yang diberikan. Sejumlah besar dalam pembentukan diaktifkan dalam hitungan detik, bukan hanya perbandingan buah di tangan dengan jenis lain tetapi juga perasaan-perasaan emosional, recollec-tions sebelumnya penemuan sejenis, dan kenangan dari kebiasaan makanan yang dianggap sesuai. Buah — semua karakteristik com - ditumbuk — diberi nama. Pertimbangkan durian Asia Tenggara, re-garded oleh penggemar sebagai yang terbesar dari semua buah-buahan tropis. Kelihatannya seperti jeruk berduri, rasanya manis dengan nuansa custardlike sementara, dan ketika diadakan dari mulut berbau seperti selokan. Experi-masa kemerdekaan sepotong menetapkan, saya meyakinkan Anda, konsep "durian" untuk seumur hidup.


unsur-unsur alami budaya dapat cukup seharusnya menjadi komponen hirarki diatur semantik memori, en-dikodekan oleh diskrit sirkuit saraf yang menunggu identifikasi. Gagasan budaya unit, unsur yang paling dasar dari semua, telah sekitar selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun, dan telah dijuluki oleh penulis yang berbeda banyak sebagai mnemotype, ide, idene, meme, sociogene, konsep, culturgen, dan jenis budaya. Satu label yang tertangkap pada yang paling, dan untuk yang saya sekarang memilih untuk menjadi pemenang, adalah meme, diperkenalkan oleh Richard Dawkins dalam karyanya berpengaruh The Selfish Gene pada tahun 1976.
Definisi meme yang saya sarankan tetap lebih fokus dan agak berbeda dari Dawkins. Itu yang ditimbulkan oleh ahli biologi teoritis Charles J. Lumsden dan saya sendiri pada tahun 1981, Kapan kita dijelaskan teori penuh pertama coevolution gen-budaya. Kami recom - diperbaiki yang unit budaya — sekarang disebut meme — sama seperti node semantik memori dan berkorelasi dengan dalam aktivitas otak. Tingkat node, apakah konsep (satuan dikenali sederhana), proposisi atau skema, menentukan kompleksitas dari ide, behav-ior, atau artefak yang membantu untuk mempertahankan dalam budaya besar.
Saya menyadari bahwa dengan kemajuan dalam neurosains dan psikologi gagasan node sebagai meme, dan bahkan mungkin menjadi-tween perbedaan episodik dan semantik memori, cenderung memberikan cara untuk taksonomi yang lebih canggih dan kompleks. Saya menyadari juga bahwa menetapkan-ment unit budaya neuroscience mungkin tampak pada awalnya upaya untuk mengecoh semiotika, Studi formal tentang segala bentuk com-munication. Keberatan itu akan dibenarkan. Tujuan saya di pameran ini adalah sebaliknya, untuk membentuk kemasukakalan program pusat consilience, dalam contoh hubungan kausal menjadi-tween semiotika dan biologi. Jika koneksi dapat dibentuk secara empiris, kemudian penemuan-penemuan yang mendatang mengenai node semantik memori akan sejalan mempertajam definisi meme. Seperti sebelumnya akan memperkaya, bukan menggantikan, semiotika.


aku mengakui bahwa ekspresi sangat "gen untuk budaya," sebagai keystone con-ceptual jembatan antara ilmu pengetahuan dan kemanusiaan, memiliki rasa halus untuk itu. Bagaimana siapapun dapat memperkirakan untuk berbicara tentang gen yang menentukan budaya? Jawabannya adalah bahwa ilmuwan serius tidak pernah memiliki. Web peristiwa kausal yang terdiri dari gen-budaya coevolution lebih rumit — dan sangat lebih menarik. Ribuan gen


meresepkan otak, sistem sensorik, dan semua lainnya proses-proses fisiologik yang berinteraksi dengan lingkungan sosial dan fisik untuk pro-duce sifat holistik pikiran dan budaya. Melalui alam se-lection, lingkungan akhirnya memilih gen akan melakukan meresepkan.
untuk Implikasi-implikasinya seluruh biologi dan ilmu-ilmu sosial, tidak ada subjek intelektual lebih penting. Ahli biologi semua berbicara tentang interaksi antara keturunan dan lingkungan. Mereka tidak melakukannya, kecuali di laboratorium steno, berbicara tentang gen "menyebabkan" perilaku tertentu, dan mereka tidak pernah berarti harfiah. Itu akan membuat tidak masuk akal lebih daripada yang converse, gagasan tentang perilaku yang timbul dari budaya tanpa di-tervention dari aktivitas otak. Penjelasan yang diterima penyebaban dari gen ke budaya, dari gen untuk produk lain dari kehidupan, bukanlah keturunan sendirian. Hal ini tidak lingkungan sendiri. Interaksi antara keduanya.
tentu saja itu adalah interaksi. Tapi kita perlu informasi lebih lanjut tentang interaksi untuk mencakup coevolution gen-budaya. Orang menjelaskan konsep ada adalah norma reaksi. Gagasan mudah memahami sebagai berikut. Pilih jenis organisme, Apakah binatang, tanaman atau mikroorganisme. Pilih satu gen atau sekelompok gen yang bertindak bersama-sama mempengaruhi sifat tertentu. Maka daftar semua tentang konsep didaktik matematika-ronments di mana spesies dapat bertahan. Berbeda environ nyata mungkin atau mungkin tidak menimbulkan variasi dalam sifat yang ditentukan oleh gen tertentu atau kelompok gen. Variasi total sifat dalam semua lingkungan survivable adalah norma reaksi dari gen atau kelompok gen dalam spesies itu.
kasus buku norma reaksi adalah bentuk daun di panah-daun, tanaman amfibi. Ketika seorang individu dari spesies tumbuh di tanah, daun menyerupai panah. Ketika ia tumbuh di air dangkal, daun pada permukaan berbentuk seperti bantalan lily; dan ketika sub - bergabung dalam air yang lebih dalam, daun mengembangkan sebagai eelgrasslike pita yang bergoyang bolak di sekitar saat ini. Tidak dikenal genetik dif-ferences antara tanaman yang mendasari variasi ini luar biasa. Tiga jenis dasar adalah variasi dalam ekspresi dari kelompok yang sama gen yang disebabkan oleh lingkungan yang berbeda. Bersama-sama mereka menyusun norma reaksi gen resep bentuk daun. Merangkul mereka, dengan kata lain, variasi penuh ekspresi gen dalam semua lingkungan dikenal survivable.
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Suppose, for example, you are handed an unfamiliar piece of fruit. You automatically classify it by its physical appearance, smell, taste, and the circumstances under which it is given. A large amount of in- formation is activated within seconds, not just the comparison of the fruit in hand with other kinds but also the emotional feelings, recollec- tions of previous discoveries of similar nature, and memories of dietary customs that seem appropriate. The fruit—all its characteristics com- pounded—is given a name. Consider the durian of Southeast Asia, re- garded by aficionados as the greatest of all tropical fruits. It looks like a spiny grapefruit, tastes sweet with a transient custardlike nuance, and when held away from the mouth smells like a sewer. The experi- ence of a single piece establishes, I assure you, the concept "durian" for a lifetime.


The natural elements of culture can be reasonably supposed to be the hierarchically arranged components of semantic memory, en- coded by discrete neural circuits awaiting identification. The notion of a culture unit, the most basic element of all, has been around for over thirty years, and has been dubbed by different authors variously as mnemotype, idea, idene, meme, sociogene, concept, culturgen, and culture type. The one label that has caught on the most, and for which I now vote to be winner, is meme, introduced by Richard Dawkins in his influential work The Selfish Gene in 1976.
The definition of meme I suggest is nevertheless more focused and somewhat different from that of Dawkins. It is the one posed by the theoretical biologist Charles J. Lumsden and myself in 1981, when we outlined the first full theory of gene-culture coevolution. We recom- mended that the unit of culture—now called meme—be the same as the node of semantic memory and its correlates in brain activity. The level of the node, whether concept (the simplest recognizable unit), proposition, or schema, determines the complexity of the idea, behav- ior, or artifact that it helps to sustain in the culture at large.
I realize that with advances in the neurosciences and psychology the notion of node-as-meme, and perhaps even the distinction be- tween episodic and semantic memory, are likely to give way to more sophisticated and complex taxonomies. I realize also that the assign- ment of the unit of culture to neuroscience might seem at first an attempt to short-circuit semiotics, the formal study of all forms of com- munication. That objection would be unjustified. My purpose in this exposition is the opposite, to establish the plausibility of the central program of consilience, in this instance the causal connections be- tween semiotics and biology. If the connections can be established empirically, then future discoveries concerning the nodes of semantic memory will correspondingly sharpen the definition of memes. Such an advance will enrich, not replace, semiotics.



I CONCEDE that the very expression "genes to culture," as the con- ceptual keystone of the bridge between science and the humanities, has an ethereal feel to it. How can anyone presume to speak of a gene that prescribes culture? The answer is that no serious scientist ever has. The web of causal events comprising gene-culture coevolution is more complicated—and immensely more interesting. Thousands of genes


prescribe the brain, the sensory system, and all the other physiological processes that interact with the physical and social environment to pro- duce the holistic properties of mind and culture. Through natural se- lection, the environment ultimately selects which genes will do the prescribing.
For its implications throughout biology and the social sciences, no subject is intellectually more important. All biologists speak of the interaction between heredity and environment. They do not, except in laboratory shorthand, speak of a gene "causing" a particular behavior, and they never mean it literally. That would make no more sense than its converse, the idea of behavior arising from culture without the in- tervention of brain activity. The accepted explanation of causation from genes to culture, as from genes to any other product of life, is not heredity alone. It is not environment alone. It is interaction between the two.
Of course it is interaction. But we need more information about interaction in order to encompass gene-culture coevolution. The cen- tral clarifying concept of interactionism is the norm of reaction. The idea is easily grasped as follows. Choose a species of organism, whether animal, plant, or microorganism. Select either one gene or a group of genes that act together to affect a particular trait. Then list all the envi- ronments in which the species can survive. The different environ- ments may or may not cause variation in the trait prescribed by the selected gene or group of genes. The total variation in the trait in all the survivable environments is the norm of reaction of that gene or group of genes in that species.
The textbook case of a norm of reaction is leaf shape in the arrow- leaf, an amphibious plant. When an individual of the species grows on the land, its leaves resemble arrowheads. When it grows in shallow water, the leaves at the surface are shaped like lily pads; and when sub- merged in deeper water, the leaves develop as eelgrasslike ribbons that sway back and forth in the surrounding current. No known genetic dif- ferences among the plants underlie this extraordinary variation. The three basic types are variations in the expression of the same group of genes caused by different environments. Together they compose the norm of reaction of the genes prescribing leaf form. They embrace, in other words, the full variation in expression of the genes in all known survivable environments.
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