Charge SystemsEnvironment charges are rarely distinguished from enviro terjemahan - Charge SystemsEnvironment charges are rarely distinguished from enviro Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Charge SystemsEnvironment charges a

Charge Systems
Environment charges are rarely distinguished from environmental taxes and are often used interchangeably, creating an unnecessary source of confusion and often a source of friction between Ministries of Finance and Environmental Agencies. In this study we distinguish between charge systems and fiscal instruments. Charges are defined as payments for use of resources, infrastructure, and services and are akin to market prices for private goods. One way of thinking of charges is as “prices” for public goods or publicly provided private goods. They differ from market prices for private goods because they are not market determined but are administratively set by a government agency, a public utility, or other types of regulated natural monopoly. This contrasts them with taxes which are not payments for “services” but a means for raising fiscal revenue. Peguvian taxes, however, may be thought of as a charge for the use of the environment's assimilative capacity (a natural resource or public good) and hence, analogous to a user charge.
A second difference is that taxes are connected to the budget, forming part of the general government revenues while charges are extra-budgetary, aiming to recover cost for a specific public investment or more appropriately, to finance the long-term marginal cost of supply. More importantly, charges are used as instruments of demand management and when set optimally (equal to the long-term marginal supply cost), they may or may not recover supply cost. When the long-term marginal supply cost is falling, “optimal” user charges result in a deficit; when it is rising, they result in a surplus. The deficit is usually met by a subsidy from the general budget, while the surplus either goes to the budget or more often is prevented through regulation of the tariffs charged by a public utility.
This connection with the general budget and the propensity to supply utilities (e.g., water, electricity), public services, and use of infrastructure at zero or nominal cost, charges are perceived more as taxes than as prices. Yet, because there is still a correspondence between use and payment, user charges are still seen as a means of partial cost recovery rather than as a source of general revenue.
If anything, finance ministries might welcome a severance of the link between deficit generating
utilities and the general budget. However, a problem does arise in the case of pollution charges, which (a) are not seen as a means of cost recovery or payment for service or resource use and (b) can potentially raise large amounts of revenue. Environmental ministries prefer to view pollution charges as user fees and want the revenues earmarked for environmental investments to abate pollution and to rehabilitate degraded environments.
Finance ministries prefer to view pollution charges as taxes and hence as a source of general
revenue to be allocated between alternative uses in order to maximize the social rate of return without regard to the origin of the revenues. Earmarking is simply viewed as a distortion.
While there is a serious issue here, which is addressed in the companion study on environmental
financing (Panayotou, forthcoming), the exclusive emphasis on the financing effect of charges in
general (as in cost recovery) and of pollution charges in particular, is misplaced. The primary objective of charges ought to be the change in the incentive structure facing the users of scarce resources so as to induce a realignment of their behavior with social interests. In this spirit, user charges are instruments for reducing wasteful use, managing demand, and inducing conservation and secondarily, are instruments for recovering cost or financing supply expansion. Similarly, pollution charges are instruments for internalizing external costs and encouraging pollution control and, are also a means for raising revenues to finance environmental investments. It is possible to design a system of charges that is revenue neutral (i.e., it raises no revenues), yet accomplishes the desired level of pollution reduction.
We may divide charge systems into three groups. The first group may be called pollution charges, this includes emission charges, effluent charges, solid waste charges, noise pollution charges, and product charges. When set at optimal levels (equal to the marginal damage cost), pollution charges are identical to Peguvian taxes.
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1: [Salinan]
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Biaya sistemBiaya lingkungan jarang dibedakan dari lingkungan pajak dan sering digunakan secara bergantian, menciptakan sumber kebingungan yang tidak perlu dan sering sumber gesekan antara departemen keuangan dan badan-badan lingkungan. Dalam studi ini kita membedakan antara biaya sistem dan fiskal instrumen. Biaya didefinisikan sebagai pembayaran untuk penggunaan sumber daya, infrastruktur dan layanan dan mirip dengan harga pasar untuk barang-barang pribadi. Salah satu cara untuk berpikir dari tuduhan sebagai "harga" barang publik atau publik diberikan barang-barang pribadi. Mereka berbeda dari harga pasar untuk barang-barang pribadi karena mereka tidak pasar ditentukan tetapi secara administratif yang ditetapkan oleh sebuah badan pemerintah, utilitas publik, atau jenis lain dari monopoli alami diatur. Berbeda mereka dengan pajak-pajak yang tidak pembayaran untuk "Layanan" tetapi sarana untuk meningkatkan pendapatan fiskal. Peguvian pajak, bagaimanapun, bisa dianggap sebagai biaya untuk penggunaan lingkungan yang assimilative kapasitas (sumber daya alam atau barang publik) dan karenanya, analog dengan biaya pengguna.Perbedaan kedua adalah bahwa pajak yang terhubung untuk anggaran, membentuk bagian dari pendapatan umum pemerintah sementara biaya ekstra anggaran, bertujuan untuk memulihkan biaya untuk investasi umum tertentu, atau lebih tepat, untuk membiayai biaya marjinal jangka panjang pasokan. Lebih penting lagi, biaya yang digunakan sebagai instrumen manajemen permintaan dan bila diatur secara optimal (sama dengan biaya marjinal pasokan jangka panjang), mereka mungkin atau mungkin tidak pulih biaya pasokan. Ketika biaya marjinal pasokan jangka panjang jatuh, "optimal" biaya pengguna mengakibatkan defisit; Ketika itu naik, mereka mengakibatkan surplus. Defisit biasanya bertemu dengan subsidi dari anggaran umum, sementara surplus baik pergi ke anggaran atau lebih sering dicegah melalui peraturan tarif yang dikenakan oleh utilitas publik.Hubungan ini dengan anggaran Umum dan kecenderungan untuk menyediakan utilitas (misalnya, air, listrik), pelayanan publik, dan penggunaan infrastruktur di nol atau nominal biaya, biaya dianggap lebih sebagai pajak daripada sebagai harga. Namun, karena masih ada surat-menyurat antara penggunaan dan pembayaran, biaya pengguna masih terlihat sebagai sarana pemulihan parsial biaya dan bukan sebagai sumber pendapatan umum.Jika ada, Kementerian Keuangan mungkin menyambut pemutusan hubungan antara defisit menghasilkanutilitas dan anggaran umum. Namun, masalah yang timbul dalam kasus tuduhan pencemaran, yang () tidak dilihat sebagai sarana pembayaran untuk layanan atau sumber daya atau biaya pemulihan menggunakan dan (b) dapat berpotensi meningkatkan jumlah besar pendapatan. Kementerian Lingkungan lebih suka melihat polusi biaya sebagai biaya pengguna dan ingin pendapatan yang diperuntukkan untuk lingkungan investasi untuk mengurangi polusi dan memulihkan lingkungan yang rusak.Kementerian Keuangan memilih untuk melihat polusi biaya sebagai pajak dan karenanya sebagai sumber umumpendapatan akan dialokasikan antara menggunakan alternatif untuk memaksimalkan tingkat pengembalian tanpa memandang asal-usul pendapatan sosial. Mengalokasikan hanya dipandang sebagai distorsi.Sementara ada masalah serius di sini, yang dibahas dalam studi pendamping pada lingkunganPembiayaan (Panayotou, akan datang), penekanan eksklusif pada efek pembiayaan tuduhan diUmum (seperti biaya pemulihan) dan polusi biaya secara khusus, adalah salah. Tujuan utama dari biaya harus perubahan dalam struktur insentif yang dihadapi para pengguna dari sumber daya langka untuk menginduksi penataan kembali perilaku mereka dengan kepentingan sosial. Dalam semangat ini, pengguna instrumen untuk mengurangi penggunaan boros, mengelola permintaan dan merangsang konservasi dan kedua, adalah instrumen untuk memulihkan biaya atau pembiayaan pasokan ekspansi. Demikian pula, polusi biaya instrumen untuk internalisasi biaya eksternal dan mendorong pengendalian polusi, dan juga sarana untuk meningkatkan pendapatan untuk membiayai investasi lingkungan. Dimungkinkan untuk merancang sistem biaya yang adalah pendapatan netral (yaitu, menaikkan pendapatan tidak), belum mencapai tingkat yang diinginkan pengurangan polusi.Kami dapat membagi biaya sistem menjadi tiga kelompok. Kelompok pertama mungkin disebut polusi biaya, termasuk biaya emisi, limbah biaya, biaya limbah padat, polusi kebisingan biaya, dan biaya produk. Bila diatur di tingkat optimal (sama dengan biaya kerusakan marjinal), biaya polusi identik Peguvian pajak.
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
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Charge Systems
Environment charges are rarely distinguished from environmental taxes and are often used interchangeably, creating an unnecessary source of confusion and often a source of friction between Ministries of Finance and Environmental Agencies. In this study we distinguish between charge systems and fiscal instruments. Charges are defined as payments for use of resources, infrastructure, and services and are akin to market prices for private goods. One way of thinking of charges is as “prices” for public goods or publicly provided private goods. They differ from market prices for private goods because they are not market determined but are administratively set by a government agency, a public utility, or other types of regulated natural monopoly. This contrasts them with taxes which are not payments for “services” but a means for raising fiscal revenue. Peguvian taxes, however, may be thought of as a charge for the use of the environment's assimilative capacity (a natural resource or public good) and hence, analogous to a user charge.
A second difference is that taxes are connected to the budget, forming part of the general government revenues while charges are extra-budgetary, aiming to recover cost for a specific public investment or more appropriately, to finance the long-term marginal cost of supply. More importantly, charges are used as instruments of demand management and when set optimally (equal to the long-term marginal supply cost), they may or may not recover supply cost. When the long-term marginal supply cost is falling, “optimal” user charges result in a deficit; when it is rising, they result in a surplus. The deficit is usually met by a subsidy from the general budget, while the surplus either goes to the budget or more often is prevented through regulation of the tariffs charged by a public utility.
This connection with the general budget and the propensity to supply utilities (e.g., water, electricity), public services, and use of infrastructure at zero or nominal cost, charges are perceived more as taxes than as prices. Yet, because there is still a correspondence between use and payment, user charges are still seen as a means of partial cost recovery rather than as a source of general revenue.
If anything, finance ministries might welcome a severance of the link between deficit generating
utilities and the general budget. However, a problem does arise in the case of pollution charges, which (a) are not seen as a means of cost recovery or payment for service or resource use and (b) can potentially raise large amounts of revenue. Environmental ministries prefer to view pollution charges as user fees and want the revenues earmarked for environmental investments to abate pollution and to rehabilitate degraded environments.
Finance ministries prefer to view pollution charges as taxes and hence as a source of general
revenue to be allocated between alternative uses in order to maximize the social rate of return without regard to the origin of the revenues. Earmarking is simply viewed as a distortion.
While there is a serious issue here, which is addressed in the companion study on environmental
financing (Panayotou, forthcoming), the exclusive emphasis on the financing effect of charges in
general (as in cost recovery) and of pollution charges in particular, is misplaced. The primary objective of charges ought to be the change in the incentive structure facing the users of scarce resources so as to induce a realignment of their behavior with social interests. In this spirit, user charges are instruments for reducing wasteful use, managing demand, and inducing conservation and secondarily, are instruments for recovering cost or financing supply expansion. Similarly, pollution charges are instruments for internalizing external costs and encouraging pollution control and, are also a means for raising revenues to finance environmental investments. It is possible to design a system of charges that is revenue neutral (i.e., it raises no revenues), yet accomplishes the desired level of pollution reduction.
We may divide charge systems into three groups. The first group may be called pollution charges, this includes emission charges, effluent charges, solid waste charges, noise pollution charges, and product charges. When set at optimal levels (equal to the marginal damage cost), pollution charges are identical to Peguvian taxes.
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