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Presidential hopeful Prabowo Subian

Presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto has outlined his plans to dismantle Indonesia’s democracy in a public speech, write Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner.

In a speech last Saturday at the Taman Ismail Marzuki cultural complex in Jakarta, Prabowo stated that direct elections were not compatible with the Indonesian cultural character and gave a strong signal that he wishes to do away with the practice. In other words, while he wants to encourage Indonesians to vote for him in this election, it appears he does not want to give them a chance to evaluate his performance and cast judgment on his presidency in five years’ time.

Though we have not yet been able to access a full transcript of the speech, a reportappeared in the online version of the Kompas newspaper in which Prabowo stated that direct elections were a product of Western culture that was not ‘suitable’ to Indonesia. He compared the practice to smoking, something that was hard to stop once somebody is hooked on the practice. He continued that Indonesia needed to come up with a new political format that removed traits that went too far in their ‘Western’ orientation.

Kompas quoted him as saying: “We need a new consensus. Political leaders, intellectuals, religious and cultural leaders, even workers. I don’t want this abnormality to allow us to abandon the cultural values of our ancestors.”  Kompas then paraphrased the former general as saying that a  large national-scale meeting would be needed to come up with such a new consensus, contrasting this with the current situation in which “at this time, in the name of democracy, all policies have to be via voting, including direct elections”.

Prabowo is here playing a tune that comes directly from the songbook of the former authoritarian regime of his onetime father-in-law General Suharto.

In the early years of his New Order regime, the military claimed to be putting in a place a new ‘consensus’ on which it based its authoritarian system. The regime also always emphasized a (concocted) version of Indonesian tradition, emphasizing mutual deliberation and consensus, in legitimating its anti-democratic practices. Indeed, Prabowo’s statement reads as if extracted directly from the speech of a government leader at the height of the New Order period, in a way that has become very rare since the end of that regime.

Presumably, what Prabowo has in mind is not simply the elimination of direct elections for local government heads (something that he has already spoken explicitly on) but also a return to indirect elections of the President via the MPR (Majelis Pemusyawarahan Rakyat, People’s Consultative Assembly), the process that was used by Suharto and that was, and will be, wide open to manipulation and patronage politics.

This is perhaps the most explicit statement so far of Prabowo’s attitude to electoral democracy. He has stated in the past that democracy ‘exhausts us’, that he wishes to create a ‘productive’ rather than ‘destructive’ democracy, and has indirectly signaled an intent to dismantle much of the infrastructure of post-Suharto democracy by returning to the original version of the 1945 Constitution. Only now do we see that Prabowo very likely also wants to dismantle the very mechanism that will bring him to power: direct presidential elections.

This is an extraordinary state of affairs. It is very rare in the modern world for would-be autocrats to openly state that they want to destroy the electoral system through which they seek to achieve power. They mostly mask such intentions before they are elected. We probably need to go back to the fascist movements of 1930s Europe to find such explicitly authoritarian sentiments expressed by electoral movements that end up winning elections.

So far, however, the camp of Prabowo’s rival, Joko Widodo, seems to be doing nothing to highlight Prabowo’s recent statement and the threat that it implies toward Indonesia’s democratic architecture. This is in line with that campaign’s failure to highlight similarly anti-democratic elements in Prabowo’s statements and appeal, and its apparent unwillingness to pitch this election as one in which the future of Indonesia’s democratic system is at stake.

If Indonesian democracy dies on July 9, it will do so with a whimper, not a bang.

Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner are Indonesia politics specialists based at the Department of Political and Social Change in the Australian National University’s College of Asia and the Pacific. They have been on the ground following the presidential elections. 

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Presiden berharap Prabowo Subianto telah digariskan rencananya untuk membongkar demokrasi di Indonesia dalam sebuah pidato umum, menulis Edward Aspinall dan Marcus Mietzner.

dalam sebuah pidato terakhir Sabtu di Taman Ismail Marzuki kompleks budaya di Jakarta, Prabowo menyatakan bahwa pemilihan langsung tidak kompatibel dengan karakter budaya Indonesia dan memberikan sinyal yang kuat bahwa dia keinginan untuk melakukan pergi dengan praktek. Dengan kata lain, sementara ia ingin mendorong Indonesia untuk memilih untuknya dalam pemilihan ini, tampaknya ia tidak ingin memberi mereka kesempatan untuk mengevaluasi kinerja nya dan menyerahkan penghakiman kepresidenannya dalam waktu lima tahun.

Meskipun kita belum mampu mengakses transkrip lengkap pidato, reportappeared dalam versi online koran Kompas di mana Prabowo menyatakan bahwa pemilihan langsung adalah produk dari budaya Barat yang tidak 'cocok' ke Indonesia. Dia membandingkan praktek untuk Rokok, sesuatu yang sulit untuk berhenti setelah seseorang kecanduan praktek. Ia melanjutkan bahwa Indonesia perlu datang dengan format politik baru yang dihapus ciri-ciri yang pergi terlalu jauh di dalam mereka 'Barat' orientasi

Kompas dikutip mengatakan kepadanya: "kita perlu kesepakatan baru. Pemimpin politik, intelektual, pemimpin agama dan budaya, bahkan pekerja. Aku tidak ingin kelainan ini untuk memungkinkan kita untuk meninggalkan nilai-nilai budaya nenek moyang kita."Kompas kemudian diparafrasekan mantan Jenderal mengatakan bahwa pertemuan berskala nasional yang besar akan diperlukan untuk datang dengan sebuah konsensus yang baru, kontras ini dengan situasi saat ini di mana"pada saat ini, atas nama demokrasi, semua kebijakan harus melalui pemungutan suara, termasuk pemilihan langsung".

Prabowo di sini adalah memainkan sebuah lagu yang datang langsung dari buku nyanyian rezim otoriter mantan mertuanya mantan Jenderal Soeharto.

dalam tahun-tahun awal rezim Orde Baru, militer mengaku menempatkan di tempat baru 'kesepakatan' di mana itu didasarkan sistemnya otoriter. Rezim juga selalu menekankan versi (mengarang) tradisi Indonesia, menekankan musyawarah dan konsensus, di legitimating praktik anti-demokratis. Memang, Prabowo's pernyataan membaca seolah-olah diambil langsung dari pidato pemimpin pemerintah di puncak masa Orde Baru, dengan cara yang telah menjadi sangat langka sejak akhir bahwa rezim.

agaknya, apa yang telah di pikiran Prabowo bukanlah hanya penghapusan pemilihan langsung untuk kepala pemerintah lokal (sesuatu yang dia telah berbicara secara eksplisit pada) tetapi juga kembali ke pemilihan langsung Presiden melalui MPR (Pemusyawarahan Majelis Rakyat, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), proses yang digunakan oleh Suharto dan yang adalah, dan akan, terbuka lebar untuk manipulasi dan perlindungan politik.

ini mungkin adalah pernyataan paling eksplisit sejauh Prabowo's sikap untuk pemilu demokrasi. Dia telah menyatakan di masa lalu bahwa demokrasi 'kasar kami', bahwa ia berharap untuk menciptakan demokrasi 'produktif' daripada 'merusak', dan secara tidak langsung telah memberi isyarat niat untuk membongkar banyak infrastruktur paska-Suharto demokrasi dengan kembali ke versi asli UUD 1945. Hanya sekarang kita melihat bahwa Prabowo sangat mungkin juga ingin untuk membongkar sangat mekanisme yang akan membawanya ke kekuatan: langsung Presiden pemilihan.

ini adalah keadaan luar biasa. Hal ini sangat langka di dunia modern untuk calon autocrats untuk secara terbuka menyatakan bahwa mereka ingin menghancurkan sistem pemilu melalui mana mereka berusaha untuk mencapai kekuasaan. Mereka sebagian besar menutupi niat tersebut sebelum mereka dipilih. Kita mungkin perlu kembali ke gerakan fasis dari Eropa tahun 1930-an untuk menemukan sentimen-sentimen sedemikian eksplisit otoriter yang diungkapkan oleh gerakan pemilihan yang akhirnya memenangkan pemilu.

sejauh ini, namun, kamp Prabowo's saingan, Joko Widodo, tampaknya melakukan apa-apa untuk menyorot Prabowo's pernyataan terbaru dan ancaman yang berarti terhadap arsitektur demokrasi di Indonesia. Hal ini sejalan dengan kampanye bahwa kegagalan untuk juga menyoroti elemen-elemen anti-demokratis Prabowo's pernyataan banding dan keengganan yang jelas untuk pitch pemilihan ini sebagai salah satu di mana masa depan sistem Demokrasi Indonesia adalah pada saham

jika demokrasi Indonesia meninggal 9 Juli, akan melakukannya dengan merintih, bukan bang.

Edward Aspinall dan Marcus Mietzner adalah spesialis politik Indonesia yang berbasis di jurusan politik dan perubahan sosial di Australian National University College of Asia dan Pasifik. Mereka telah di tanah setelah pemilihan Presiden. 

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Presidential hopeful Prabowo Subianto has outlined his plans to dismantle Indonesia’s democracy in a public speech, write Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner.

In a speech last Saturday at the Taman Ismail Marzuki cultural complex in Jakarta, Prabowo stated that direct elections were not compatible with the Indonesian cultural character and gave a strong signal that he wishes to do away with the practice. In other words, while he wants to encourage Indonesians to vote for him in this election, it appears he does not want to give them a chance to evaluate his performance and cast judgment on his presidency in five years’ time.

Though we have not yet been able to access a full transcript of the speech, a reportappeared in the online version of the Kompas newspaper in which Prabowo stated that direct elections were a product of Western culture that was not ‘suitable’ to Indonesia. He compared the practice to smoking, something that was hard to stop once somebody is hooked on the practice. He continued that Indonesia needed to come up with a new political format that removed traits that went too far in their ‘Western’ orientation.

Kompas quoted him as saying: “We need a new consensus. Political leaders, intellectuals, religious and cultural leaders, even workers. I don’t want this abnormality to allow us to abandon the cultural values of our ancestors.”  Kompas then paraphrased the former general as saying that a  large national-scale meeting would be needed to come up with such a new consensus, contrasting this with the current situation in which “at this time, in the name of democracy, all policies have to be via voting, including direct elections”.

Prabowo is here playing a tune that comes directly from the songbook of the former authoritarian regime of his onetime father-in-law General Suharto.

In the early years of his New Order regime, the military claimed to be putting in a place a new ‘consensus’ on which it based its authoritarian system. The regime also always emphasized a (concocted) version of Indonesian tradition, emphasizing mutual deliberation and consensus, in legitimating its anti-democratic practices. Indeed, Prabowo’s statement reads as if extracted directly from the speech of a government leader at the height of the New Order period, in a way that has become very rare since the end of that regime.

Presumably, what Prabowo has in mind is not simply the elimination of direct elections for local government heads (something that he has already spoken explicitly on) but also a return to indirect elections of the President via the MPR (Majelis Pemusyawarahan Rakyat, People’s Consultative Assembly), the process that was used by Suharto and that was, and will be, wide open to manipulation and patronage politics.

This is perhaps the most explicit statement so far of Prabowo’s attitude to electoral democracy. He has stated in the past that democracy ‘exhausts us’, that he wishes to create a ‘productive’ rather than ‘destructive’ democracy, and has indirectly signaled an intent to dismantle much of the infrastructure of post-Suharto democracy by returning to the original version of the 1945 Constitution. Only now do we see that Prabowo very likely also wants to dismantle the very mechanism that will bring him to power: direct presidential elections.

This is an extraordinary state of affairs. It is very rare in the modern world for would-be autocrats to openly state that they want to destroy the electoral system through which they seek to achieve power. They mostly mask such intentions before they are elected. We probably need to go back to the fascist movements of 1930s Europe to find such explicitly authoritarian sentiments expressed by electoral movements that end up winning elections.

So far, however, the camp of Prabowo’s rival, Joko Widodo, seems to be doing nothing to highlight Prabowo’s recent statement and the threat that it implies toward Indonesia’s democratic architecture. This is in line with that campaign’s failure to highlight similarly anti-democratic elements in Prabowo’s statements and appeal, and its apparent unwillingness to pitch this election as one in which the future of Indonesia’s democratic system is at stake.

If Indonesian democracy dies on July 9, it will do so with a whimper, not a bang.

Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner are Indonesia politics specialists based at the Department of Political and Social Change in the Australian National University’s College of Asia and the Pacific. They have been on the ground following the presidential elections. 

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