AcknowledgementsThe research for th

Acknowledgements
The research for this project was made possible by generous financial support
from the Fulbright IIE, the Social Science Research Council’s International
Dissertation Research Fellowship program, and a pre-dissertation fellowship
from the National Science Foundation. Portions of this article were presented
at the second ‘Putting Pierre Bourdieu to Work’ working conference held at UC
___________

Berkeley in May 2005. This article has been shaped by the ideas and input of
many people, but special thanks go to Teresa Sharpe, Chris Niedt, Tom Gold,
Michael Burawoy, and Kevin O’Brien.
Notes
1 Borrowing Ching Kwan Lee’s (2002) formulation, I understand contem-
porary China to be ‘postsocialist’ largely in that the planned economy no
longer plays a central role in production or consumption. China is also
postsocialist in the sense that the present is understood in relation to, and
generally as a rejection of, the socialist past (Rofel, 1999; Zhang, 2000).
2 For one report on
Meihua K
, see for example, ‘How did the fake medicine
“Meihua K” enter the marketplace?’ (
Jiayao ‘meihua K’ shi ruhe liuru
shichang de
?),
Xinhua Net
, Changsha, 2 April 2002 [http://202.84.17.73.
7777], accessed 13 May 2003; on the Nanjing mooncakes, ‘Nanjing
Guanshengyuan will be broken up: “Old filling mooncakes” incident
threatens company leadership’ (
Nanjing Guanshengyuan yao bei jisan: jiu
xian yuebing shijian weixie gongsi lingdao anquan
),
Harbin Life Daily
(
Shenghuo Bao
), 20 October 2001, p. 11.
3 My answer to the customer’s query was borrowed from my co-workers,
who used this appellation – ‘factory-direct sales’ – as a way to allay
customer concerns about merchandise quality. But the term was also tech-
nically correct, since the manufacturer supplied merchandise directly to the
sales area. Pricing and discounting, however, remained under store control.
4 The ISO, or International Organization for Standardization, issues
standards – usually technical or technological – to ensure compatibility and
quality levels for technology, products, and services across countries. China
is a member nation of the ISO, and Chinese companies with products or
services meeting ISO standards like to advertise this fact, especially given
widespread quality problems. There were even department stores in Harbin
that had received an ISO 9000, a standard for quality business management,
especially with regards to customer satisfaction. The application of ISO
standards to Chinese managerial and service performance seems to support
Ann Anagnost’s (1997: 77) claim that ‘the speculative gaze of foreign
capital’ gets translated into modern notions of ‘civility’ and culture in China.
5 Ellen Hertz (2001: 279) gives a contrasting example of a man who claimed
he never paid ‘market price’ for anything, instead relying upon personal
connections to secure discounts and lower prices. Hertz argues that this
represents the assertion of face – of individual identity – in a seemingly
anonymous market context. It could be argued, then, that sales clerks at
Harbin No. X were indeed asserting a kind of equality of ‘the masses’ that
was an ideal, if often unrealized, of China’s socialist economy.
Hanser
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6 I do not want to oversimplify: at times, coping with customer distrust
involved trying to conceal Harbin No. X’s differences from other retailers.
This was often the case with customer expectations for discounts. Here,
sales clerks would usually try to face down customer demands by insisting
that the merchandise was ‘already discounted’. For example, when a girl
asked Big Sister Zhao if there was a discount on a coat she had selected,
Zhao launched into a detailed explanation about how Ice Day was ‘a new
brand this year’ (
jinnian chuang pai
) and so the price was already set at 15
percent off. In a typical solidarity move, Zhao added that if she lowered
the price, ‘Auntie will have to take 10 yuan out of my own pocket, and I
only earn 400 yuan a month!’
7‘
Zhiqing
’, or ‘educated youths’, are also known as the ‘Cultural Revolution
generation’ and were the cohort who came of age during the Cultural
Revolution (1966–76). This group was sent as youths to the countryside
for re-education during the latter years of the Cultural Revolution. I should
note that the
zhiqing
nostalgia Yang describes locates positive themes such
as human connection in rural, not urban, life.
8 Rofel (1999) argues that the construction of modernity in China is in part
dependent upon the construction of the country’s Cultural Revolution
generation as ‘abjected figures’: ‘One proves oneself a modern subject in
the post-Mao era by expunging what the Cultural Revolution generation
has come to represent’ (p. 190). On other examples of nostalgia as a kind
of resistance or expression of unease in contemporary China, see Barmé
(1999); Dai (1997) and O’Brien and Li (1999); on Shanghai nostalgia in
support of reforms, see Lu (2002).
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Ucapan TerimakasihPenelitian untuk proyek ini dimungkinkan oleh dukungan keuangandari Fulbright IIE, Dewan riset ilmu sosial internasionalDisertasi penelitian Fellowship program, dan persekutuan pra-disertasidari National Science Foundation. Bagian dari artikel ini disajikandi kedua 'Menempatkan Pierre Bourdieu untuk bekerja' bekerja konferensi yang diselenggarakan di UC ___________Berkeley pada Mei 2005. Artikel ini telah dibentuk oleh ide-ide dan inputbanyak orang, tapi terima kasih khusus pergi ke Teresa Sharpe, Chris Niedt, Tom emas,Michael Burawoy, dan Kevin O'Brien.Catatan1 perumusan meminjam Ching Kwan Lee (2002), saya mengerti contem -porary Cina menjadi 'postsocialist' sebagian besar di yang direncanakan ekonomi tidaklagi memainkan peran sentral dalam produksi atau konsumsi. Cina jugapostsocialist dalam arti bahwa sekarang dipahami dalam kaitannya dengan, danumumnya sebagai penolakan terhadap, Sosialis masa lalu (Rofel, 1999; Zhang, 2000).2 untuk satu laporan Meihua K, lihat misalnya, ' bagaimana obat palsu'Meihua K"memasuki pasar?' (Jiayao 'meihua K' shi ruhe liurushichang de?), Xinhua Net, Changsha, 2 April 2002 [http://202.84.17.73.7777], diakses 13 Mei 2003; pada Nanjing mooncakes, ' NanjingGuanshengyuan akan rusak: insiden "Old pengisian mooncakes"mengancam kepemimpinan perusahaan ' ()Nanjing Guanshengyuan yao bei jisan: jiuXian yuebing shijian weixie gongsi lingdao anquan), Harbin kehidupan sehari-hari(Shenghuo Bao), 20 Oktober 2001, p. 11.3 saya jawaban atas permintaan nasabah dipinjam dari rekan kerja saya,yang menggunakan sebutan ini – 'penjualan langsung pabrik' – sebagai cara untuk menghilangkanPelanggan kekhawatiran tentang kualitas barang dagangan. Tapi istilah juga tech-nically benar, karena produsen memasok barang langsung kearea penjualan. Harga dan diskon besar, bagaimanapun, tetap di bawah kontrol toko.4 ISO atau organisasi internasional untuk standardisasi, masalahstandar-biasanya teknis atau teknologi-untuk memastikan kompatibilitas dantingkat kualitas teknologi, produk, dan layanan di seluruh negara. Cinamenjadi negara anggota ISO dan perusahaan China dengan produk atauLayanan yang memenuhi standar ISO seperti untuk mengiklankan fakta ini, terutama mengingatmasalah kualitas yang luas. Ada bahkan department store di Harbinyang telah menerima ISO 9000, standar untuk manajemen bisnis mutu,terutama mengenai kepuasan pelanggan. Penerapan ISOstandar kinerja manajerial dan Jasa Cina tampaknya untuk mendukungAnn Anagnost's (1997:77) menyatakan bahwa ' pandangan spekulatif Asingmodal ' akan diterjemahkan ke dalam pengertian modern 'kesopanan' dan budaya di Cina.Ellen 5 Hertz (2001:279) memberikan contoh yang kontras dari seorang pria yang mengklaimDia tidak pernah membayar 'harga pasar' untuk apa pun, bukan mengandalkan pribadisambungan untuk mengamankan diskon dan harga yang lebih rendah. Hertz berpendapat bahwa inimewakili pernyataan wajah – individu identitas – tampaknyakonteks pasar anonim. Dapat dikatakan, kemudian, bahwa Panitera penjualan diHarbin No. X yang memang menegaskan semacam kesetaraan 'massa' yangadalah ideal, jika sering belum direalisasi, Cina ekonomi sosialis.Hanser■Lintasan lantai penjualan485461-492 073147 hanser (D) 7/11/06 08:52 halaman 485© 2006 SAGE publikasi. Semua Hak, milik. Tidak untuk penggunaan komersial atau distribusi yang tidak sah.oleh ANDI HARWAN KUNNA pada 3 November 2007 http://ETH.sagepub.comDownload dari 6 aku tidak ingin menyederhanakan: kadang-kadang, coping ketidakpercayaan pelangganterlibat mencoba menyembunyikan Harbin No. X perbedaan dari pengecer lain.Ini adalah sering terjadi dengan harapan pelanggan untuk diskon. Sinipenjualan Panitera akan biasanya mencoba untuk wajah bawah permintaan pelanggan oleh bersikerasbahwa barang adalah 'sudah didiskon'. Sebagai contoh, ketika seorang gadisbertanya besar Zhao suster kalau ada diskon pada mantel yang dia telah dipilih,Zhao diluncurkan ke penjelasan rinci tentang bagaimana es hari ' barutahun ini merek ' ()jinnian chuang pai) sehingga harga sudah ditetapkan pada 15persen dari. Dalam sebuah langkah khas solidaritas, Zhao menambahkan bahwa jika dia menurunkanharga, ' bibi akan harus mengambil 10 yuan dari saku saya sendiri, danhanya mendapatkan 400 yuan per bulan!'7'Zhiqing', atau 'berpendidikan pemuda', juga dikenal sebagai ' revolusi kebudayaangenerasi ' dan kelompok yang datang dari umur selama budayaRevolusi (1966 – 76). Kelompok ini dikirim sebagai pemuda ke pedesaanuntuk pendidikan kembali selama tahun-tahun terakhir masa revolusi kebudayaan. Aku harusPerhatikan bahwa zhiqing Nostalgia Yang menggambarkan menempatkan positif tema tersebutsebagai hubungan manusia di pedesaan, tidak perkotaan, hidup.8 Rofel (1999) berpendapat bahwa pembangunan modernitas di Cina adalah sebagiantergantung pada konstruksi negara 's revolusi kebudayaangenerasi sebagai 'abjected angka': ' satu membuktikan diri subjeknya modernera Mao-posting oleh expunging apa generasi revolusi kebudayaantelah datang untuk mewakili ' (p. 190). Pada contoh-contoh lain nostalgia sebagai sejenisperlawanan atau ekspresi kegelisahan di Cina kontemporer, lihat Barmé(1999); Dai (1997) dan O'Brien dan Li (1999); di Shanghai bernostalgia dimendukung reformasi, lihat Lu (2002).ReferensiAnagost, Ann (1997) Masa lalu-kali Nasional: narasi, perwakilan, danKekuasaan di Cina Modern. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Barmé, Geremie (1999) Merah: pada budaya Cina kontemporer. BaruYork: Columbia University Press.Berdahl, Daphne (1997) Mana dunia berakhir: Re-unification dan identitasdi perbatasan Jerman. Berkeley: University of California Press.Blecher, J. Marc (2002) 'politik hegemoni dan pekerja di Cina', The CinaKuartalan 170: 283-303.Bourdieu, Pierre (1984) Perbedaan: Kritik sosial penghakiman rasa.Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Bourdieu, Pierre (1990) 'Ruang sosial dan kuasa simbolik', dalam Dengan kata lain:Esai menuju refleksif Sosiologi, MS 123-49. Stanford, CA: StanfordUniversity Press. _____________________Bourdieu, Pierre (1998) Alasan praktis. Stanford, CA: Stanford UniversityTekan.Bourdieu, Pierre dan Luc Boltanski (1981) ' sistem pendidikan danEkonomi: Judul dan pekerjaan, di Charles Lemert (ed.) Sosiologi Perancis:Pecah dan pembaharuan sejak 1968, ms. 141-51. New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press.Bourdieu, Pierre dan Löic JD Wacquant (1992) Undangan untuk refleksifSosiologi. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Bruun, Ole (1993) Bisnis dan birokrasi di kota Cina: Ethnogra -PHY pribadi Business rumah tangga di Cina kontemporer. Berkeley, CA:Institut Studi Asia Timur, Universitas California, Berkeley.Burawoy, Michael dan János Lukacs (1992) Masa lalu berseri-seri: Ideologi danKenyataan di Hungaria jalan untuk kapitalisme. Chicago, IL: UniversitasChicago Press.Burawoy, Michael dan Katherine Verdery (1999) Pasti transisi: Ethnog-raphies perubahan di dunia Postsocialist. 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