(Bruun, 1993; Gold, 1989; Hershkovi

(Bruun, 1993; Gold, 1989; Hershkovitz, 1985; Schell, 1984; Young, 1995).
To some degree, these consumer attitudes reflect historical experiences with
a planned economy and socialism, and parallels exist between marketplace
anxieties in China and other postsocialist contexts (Humphrey, 2002; see
also Kaneff, 2002). In China, traditional mistrust of merchants (Mann,
1987) interweaves with a more recent history of planned economics, state-
mandated prices, and a resulting inexperience with the markets (Stockman,
1992). A clear generation gap exists between young and old Chinese, and
in Harbin, older people were the most likely to convey unease with the new
ambiguities of price and style and the dangers of fake merchandise. ‘The
country’s economy has developed and changed so fast’, one retired cadre
told me, ‘but older people are slow to accept these changes.’ Many of these
market anxieties are general to the working class, and so while the prolif-
eration of bazaars and markets has provided urbanites with vastly expanded
shopping options, even today urban shoppers regard
geti
sellers with
distrust and moral distaste and view
geti
merchandise as cheap and of
dubious quality (Veeck, 2000).
The threat of purchasing fake or poor quality goods often creates more
anxiety than haggling over prices. Like many developing economies, China’s
marketplaces are rife with shoddy merchandise, copycat and fake brands,
and numerous schemes to cheat or deceive consumers. Many people have
personal experiences of being ‘cheated’ (
shangdang
) in some way, though
usually on the relatively small scale of being over charged for something or
being sold a defective item. Ann Veeck’s (2000) description of Nanjing resi-
dents toting their own scales to outdoor food markets captures a pervasive
consumer sentiment in China. Beverly Hooper (2000) notes the growth of
consumer complaints related to quality, safety, and product deception
through the 1980s and 1990s and the publicizing of these issues through
newspaper reports, television programs, and even the Internet. The sense
of danger and distrust associated with shopping is heightened by regular
media reports on consumer marketplace deceptions and scams. For
example, in 2001, Harbin local and Chinese national media reported on
numerous incidents relating to the quality of consumer goods, including a
faulty medicine,
Meihua K
, that poisoned more than 70 people in south-
western Hunan province, and the discovery of a reputable manufacturer in
the city of Nanjing using year-old, moldy filling to produce moon cakes for
the Mid-Autumn festival.
2
In a context where a market economy is still
relatively new and of questionable legitimacy, these reports of fraud and
deception have contributed to what sociologist Sun Liping (2003) has
termed a general ‘crisis of trust’ (
xinren weiji
) in China.
In both news reports and in popular opinion, many of these problems
are blamed on
geti
merchants. As a result, most department stores try to
distance themselves from untrustworthy
geti
markets by offering customers
Hanser
■
Sales floor trajectories
469
461-492 073147 Hanser (D) 7/11/06 08:52 Page 469
© 2006 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution.
by HARWAN ANDI KUNNA on November 3, 2007
http://eth.sagepub.com
Downloaded from
explicit guarantees for merchandise quality and customer satisfaction.
Although the state made efforts, in the early years of reforms, to keep state-
run retailers and
geti
merchants clearly separate by restricting the rental of
counter space by state stores (Liu, 1989; Qiao, 1989), by 2001 some state-
owned stores had shifted entirely to renting counter space to independent
geti
merchants and some new shopping centers that often looked like
department stores were also entirely rented out. As a result, distinctions
between
geti
settings and more reputable ‘big stores’ had become increas-
ingly difficult to perceive.
But for many customers, risk-free shopping comes at too high a monetary
price. Given the rock-bottom prices offered by
geti
merchants, who often
have few overhead costs, low taxes, and can survive on very slim profit
margins, many Harbin residents were willing or felt compelled to give up
the more expensive security of respectable stores for lower-priced but risky
market venues. As one retired man remarked, ‘The common people
(
laobaixing
) rarely buy fancy things . . . buying from a
geti
merchant is good
enough.’ Not only do such attitudes suggest that state department stores
are losing their target clientele, but, as I explore below, shopping in the
geti
marketplace calls forth a whole set of defensive practices – ranging from
intensive haggling over prices to microscopic inspections of merchandise –
that have become a deeply ingrained working-class orientation towards
shopping in general.
The crisis of trust at Harbin No. X
At the Harbin No. X Department Store, this broader consumer environ-
ment combined with a changing retail sector to produce a crisis of trust
within the store’s walls. On the one hand, as noted above, customers
could no longer clearly distinguish between many
geti
settings and a store
run by a centralized management, with uniform quality, return, and
exchange policies. Despite the fact that Harbin No. X did
not
rent out
counter space to private merchants, there was no obvious way for a
customer to know that Harbin No. X had remained largely impermeable
to these
geti
influences. The store also maintained a carefully respected
return policy – with a receipt, full refunds were allowed up to 30 days
after purchase – and secured its merchandise from large, well-respected
manufacturers. Nevertheless, the sales floors of Harbin No. X had been
invaded by
geti
market practices through the vehicle of wary, skeptical
customers and their shopping strategies. The consequences for sales clerks
were daily encounters with distrustful customers and the repeated need
to re-establish trust.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

(Bruun, 1993; Gold, 1989; Hershkovitz, 1985; Schell, 1984; Young, 1995).To some degree, these consumer attitudes reflect historical experiences witha planned economy and socialism, and parallels exist between marketplaceanxieties in China and other postsocialist contexts (Humphrey, 2002; seealso Kaneff, 2002). In China, traditional mistrust of merchants (Mann,1987) interweaves with a more recent history of planned economics, state-mandated prices, and a resulting inexperience with the markets (Stockman,1992). A clear generation gap exists between young and old Chinese, andin Harbin, older people were the most likely to convey unease with the newambiguities of price and style and the dangers of fake merchandise. ‘Thecountry’s economy has developed and changed so fast’, one retired cadretold me, ‘but older people are slow to accept these changes.’ Many of thesemarket anxieties are general to the working class, and so while the prolif-eration of bazaars and markets has provided urbanites with vastly expandedshopping options, even today urban shoppers regard getisellers withdistrust and moral distaste and view getimerchandise as cheap and ofdubious quality (Veeck, 2000).The threat of purchasing fake or poor quality goods often creates moreanxiety than haggling over prices. Like many developing economies, China’smarketplaces are rife with shoddy merchandise, copycat and fake brands,and numerous schemes to cheat or deceive consumers. Many people havepersonal experiences of being ‘cheated’ (shangdang) in some way, thoughusually on the relatively small scale of being over charged for something orbeing sold a defective item. Ann Veeck’s (2000) description of Nanjing resi-dents toting their own scales to outdoor food markets captures a pervasiveconsumer sentiment in China. Beverly Hooper (2000) notes the growth ofconsumer complaints related to quality, safety, and product deceptionthrough the 1980s and 1990s and the publicizing of these issues throughnewspaper reports, television programs, and even the Internet. The senseof danger and distrust associated with shopping is heightened by regularmedia reports on consumer marketplace deceptions and scams. Forexample, in 2001, Harbin local and Chinese national media reported onnumerous incidents relating to the quality of consumer goods, including afaulty medicine, Meihua K, that poisoned more than 70 people in south-western Hunan province, and the discovery of a reputable manufacturer inthe city of Nanjing using year-old, moldy filling to produce moon cakes forthe Mid-Autumn festival.2In a context where a market economy is stillrelatively new and of questionable legitimacy, these reports of fraud anddeception have contributed to what sociologist Sun Liping (2003) hastermed a general ‘crisis of trust’ (xinren weiji) di Cina.Dalam kedua laporan berita dan pendapat yang populer, banyak masalah inimenyalahkan pada getipedagang. Akibatnya, sebagian besar toko departemen berusahamenjauhkan diri dari tidak dapat dipercaya getipasar dengan menawarkan pelangganHanser■Lintasan lantai penjualan469461-492 073147 hanser (D) 7/11/06 08:52 halaman 469© 2006 SAGE publikasi. Semua Hak, milik. Tidak untuk penggunaan komersial atau distribusi yang tidak sah.oleh ANDI HARWAN KUNNA pada 3 November 2007 http://ETH.sagepub.comDownload dari eksplisit jaminan atas barang dagangan kualitas dan kepuasan pelanggan.Meskipun negara membuat upaya, di tahun-tahun awal reformasi, agar negara-menjalankan pengecer dan getipedagang jelas terpisah dengan membatasi sewaRuang counter oleh negara toko (Liu, 1989; Qiao, 1989), tahun 2001 beberapa negara -toko yang dimiliki telah bergeser sepenuhnya untuk menyewa ruang counter untuk independengetipedagang dan beberapa pusat perbelanjaan baru yang sering tampak sepertiDepartment Store yang juga sepenuhnya disewakan. Sebagai hasilnya, perbedaanantara getipengaturan dan lebih terkemuka 'toko besar' telah menjadi semakin meningkat-ingly sulit untuk memahami.Tetapi untuk banyak pelanggan, bebas risiko belanja datang terlalu tinggi moneterharga. Mengingat harga batu-bottom ditawarkan oleh getipedagang, yang seringmemiliki beberapa biaya overhead, pajak rendah, dan bisa bertahan sangat tipis keuntunganmargin, banyak penduduk Harbin bersedia atau merasa terdorong untuk menyerahkeamanan lebih mahal terhormat toko untuk harga yang lebih rendah tetapi berisikomarket venues. As one retired man remarked, ‘The common people(laobaixing) rarely buy fancy things . . . buying from a getimerchant is goodenough.’ Not only do such attitudes suggest that state department storesare losing their target clientele, but, as I explore below, shopping in the getimarketplace calls forth a whole set of defensive practices – ranging fromintensive haggling over prices to microscopic inspections of merchandise –that have become a deeply ingrained working-class orientation towardsshopping in general.The crisis of trust at Harbin No. XAt the Harbin No. X Department Store, this broader consumer environ-ment combined with a changing retail sector to produce a crisis of trustwithin the store’s walls. On the one hand, as noted above, customerscould no longer clearly distinguish between manygetisettings and a storerun by a centralized management, with uniform quality, return, andexchange policies. Despite the fact that Harbin No. X didnotrent outcounter space to private merchants, there was no obvious way for acustomer to know that Harbin No. X had remained largely impermeableto thesegetiinfluences. The store also maintained a carefully respectedreturn policy – with a receipt, full refunds were allowed up to 30 daysafter purchase – and secured its merchandise from large, well-respectedmanufacturers. Nevertheless, the sales floors of Harbin No. X had beeninvaded bygetimarket practices through the vehicle of wary, skepticalcustomers and their shopping strategies. The consequences for sales clerkswere daily encounters with distrustful customers and the repeated needto re-establish trust.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

(Bruun, 1993; Emas, 1989; Hershkovitz, 1985; Schell, 1984; Young, 1995).
Untuk beberapa derajat, sikap konsumen ini mencerminkan pengalaman sejarah dengan
ekonomi terencana dan sosialisme, dan kesejajaran antara pasar
kecemasan di Cina dan postsocialist lainnya konteks (Humphrey, 2002; lihat
juga Kaneff, 2002). Di Cina, ketidakpercayaan tradisional pedagang (Mann,
1987) menjalin dengan sejarah lebih dari ekonomi terencana, negara bagian
harga diamanatkan, dan pengalaman yang dihasilkan dengan pasar (Stockman,
1992). Sebuah kesenjangan generasi yang jelas antara muda dan tua Cina, dan
di Harbin, orang tua adalah yang paling mungkin untuk menyampaikan kegelisahan dengan baru
ambiguitas harga dan gaya dan bahaya barang palsu. 'The
perekonomian negara telah mengembangkan dan berubah begitu cepat ', salah satu pensiunan kader
mengatakan kepada saya, 'tapi orang-orang yang lebih tua lambat untuk menerima perubahan ini.' Banyak dari
kecemasan pasar yang umum untuk kelas pekerja, dan sementara prolif-
timbangkan bazaar dan pasar telah memberikan urban dengan sangat memperluas
pilihan belanja, bahkan hari ini perkotaan pembeli menganggap
geti
penjual dengan
ketidakpercayaan dan kebencian moral dan pandangan
geti
barang semurah dan
kualitas meragukan (Veeck, 2000).
Ancaman pembelian palsu atau barang berkualitas buruk sering menciptakan lebih
dari kecemasan tawar-menawar harga. Seperti banyak negara berkembang, China
pasar yang penuh dengan barang dagangan buruk, peniru dan merek palsu,
dan banyak skema untuk menipu atau menipu konsumen. Banyak orang memiliki
pengalaman pribadi menjadi 'tertipu' (
Shangdang
) dalam beberapa cara, meskipun
biasanya pada skala yang relatif kecil menjadi lebih dikenakan biaya untuk sesuatu atau
yang dijual barang cacat. (2000) deskripsi Ann Veeck tentang Nanjing residen
penyok toting timbangan mereka sendiri ke pasar makanan di luar ruangan menangkap meresap
sentimen konsumen di Cina. Beverly Hooper (2000) mencatat pertumbuhan
keluhan konsumen terkait dengan kualitas, keamanan, dan penipuan produk
melalui 1980-an dan 1990-an dan publikasi masalah ini melalui
laporan surat kabar, program televisi, dan bahkan Internet. Rasa
bahaya dan ketidakpercayaan yang terkait dengan belanja diperkuat dengan rutin
laporan media tentang penipuan pasar konsumen dan penipuan. Untuk
contoh, pada tahun 2001, Harbin media nasional lokal dan Cina melaporkan
berbagai insiden yang berkaitan dengan kualitas barang-barang konsumsi, termasuk
obat-obatan yang rusak,
Meihua K
, yang meracuni lebih dari 70 orang di selatan-
provinsi Hunan Barat, dan penemuan produsen terkemuka di
kota Nanjing menggunakan tahun-, mengisi berjamur untuk menghasilkan kue bulan untuk
festival Mid-Autumn.
2
Dalam konteks di mana ekonomi pasar masih
relatif baru dan legitimasi dipertanyakan, laporan ini penipuan dan
penipuan telah memberikan kontribusi apa sosiolog Sun Liping (2003) telah
disebut sebagai 'krisis kepercayaan' umum (
Weiji xinren
) di Cina.
Dalam kedua laporan berita dan pendapat umum, banyak masalah ini
yang disalahkan pada
geti
pedagang. Akibatnya, sebagian besar department store mencoba untuk
menjauhkan diri dari dipercaya
geti
pasar dengan menawarkan pelanggan
Hanser
■
lantai Penjualan lintasan
469
461-492 073.147 Hanser (D) 7/11/06 08:52 Halaman 469
© 2006 SAGE Publications. Seluruh hak cipta. Tidak untuk penggunaan komersial atau distribusi yang tidak sah.
oleh Harwan ANDI KUNNA pada November 3, 2007
http://eth.sagepub.com
Download dari
jaminan eksplisit untuk kualitas barang dan kepuasan pelanggan.
Meskipun negara melakukan upaya, di tahun-tahun awal reformasi, untuk menjaga negara bagian
menjalankan pengecer dan
geti
pedagang jelas terpisah dengan membatasi sewa
ruang kontra oleh toko negara (Liu, 1989; Qiao, 1989), pada tahun 2001 beberapa negara bagian
milik toko telah bergeser sepenuhnya untuk menyewa ruang counter untuk mandiri
geti
pedagang dan beberapa pusat perbelanjaan baru yang sering tampak seperti
department store juga sepenuhnya disewakan. Akibatnya, perbedaan
antara
geti
pengaturan dan lebih terkenal 'toko besar' telah menjadi semakin bertambah
ingly sulit untuk melihat.
Tapi bagi banyak pelanggan, belanja bebas risiko datang pada terlalu tinggi moneter
harga. Mengingat harga batu-bawah yang ditawarkan oleh
geti
pedagang, yang sering
memiliki sedikit biaya overhead, pajak rendah, dan dapat bertahan hidup pada keuntungan sangat tipis
margin, banyak warga Harbin bersedia atau merasa terdorong untuk menyerah
keamanan lebih mahal dari toko terhormat untuk lebih rendah -priced tapi berisiko
tempat pasar. Sebagai seorang pria pensiunan mengatakan, 'Orang-orang umum
(
laobaixing
) jarang membeli barang mewah. . . membeli dari
geti
pedagang baik
cukup. " Tidak hanya sikap seperti menunjukkan bahwa department store negara
kehilangan sasaran klien mereka, tapi, seperti yang saya menjelajahi bawah, belanja di
geti
pasar panggilan balik seluruh rangkaian praktik defensif - mulai dari
tawar-menawar intensif selama harga untuk inspeksi mikroskopis barang -
yang telah menjadi orientasi kelas pekerja tertanam terhadap
belanja pada umumnya.
Krisis kepercayaan di Harbin No. X
Pada Harbin Nomor X Department Store, konsumen ini lebih luas lingkungan
pemerintah dikombinasikan dengan sektor ritel berubah untuk menghasilkan krisis kepercayaan
dalam dinding toko. Di satu sisi, seperti disebutkan di atas, pelanggan
tidak bisa lagi dengan jelas membedakan antara banyak
geti
pengaturan dan toko
dijalankan oleh manajemen terpusat, dengan kualitas yang seragam, kembali, dan
kebijakan pertukaran. Terlepas dari kenyataan bahwa Harbin Nomor X tidak
tidak
menyewakan
ruang counter untuk pedagang swasta, tidak ada cara yang jelas untuk
pelanggan untuk mengetahui bahwa Harbin Nomor X telah sebagian besar tetap kedap
untuk ini
geti
pengaruh. Toko juga mempertahankan hati-hati dihormati
kebijakan pengembalian - dengan tanda terima, pengembalian uang penuh diizinkan sampai 30 hari
setelah pembelian - dan dijamin barang nya dari besar, dihormati
produsen. Namun demikian, lantai penjualan Harbin Nomor X telah
diserang oleh
geti
praktek pasar melalui kendaraan waspada, skeptis
pelanggan dan strategi belanja mereka. Konsekuensi untuk pegawai penjualan
yang pertemuan harian dengan pelanggan tidak percaya dan kebutuhan diulang
untuk membangun kembali kepercayaan.