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POLITICAL ADVERTISING: A DEFINITION

POLITICAL ADVERTISING: A DEFINITION
Bolland defines advertising as the ‘paid placement of organisational messages
in the media’ (1989, p. 10).
4
Political advertising therefore, in the strict sense,
refers to the purchase and use of advertising space, paid for at commercial
rates, in order to transmit political messages to a mass audience. The media
used for this purpose may include cinema, billboards, the press, radio,
television and the internet.
In the US, television ads are known as ‘spots’, and their cost in the world’s
richest media market largely accounts for the extraordinary expense of US
political campaigning. In some countries, however, paid political advertising
on television and radio is restricted by law. In Britain, while paid advertising
can be bought in newspapers, cinemas and billboards, parties are prohibited
from buying broadcast airtime. Instead, they are allocated free airtime in
which to transmit party political broadcasts (PPBs) and party election broadcasts (PEBs). The allocation of airtime is based on the number of candidates
which a party stands at a general election.
While PPBs and PEBs (and their equivalents in other countries) are not
‘paid for’ advertisements in the American sense, they are produced using the
same techniques and with the same budgets as commercial advertisers. For
ADVERTISING
87
our purposes, therefore, PPBs are included alongside American ‘spots’ in this
chapter’s discussion of political advertising, both forms having in common
the fact that the politicians (or the creative staff to whom they delegate the
work) have complete artistic and editorial control over them.
HOW ADVERTISEMENTS WORK
Advertising, as was noted above, has two functions in the process of
exchange between a producer (of goods, services, or political programmes)
and the consumer. First, it informs. The political process, as we observed in
Chapter 1, is supposed to involve rationalchoices by voters, which must be
based on information. Journalism represents one important source of such
information, advertising another. So, just as early product advertisements
were little more than simple messages about the availability of a brand, its
price and function (use), so contemporary political advertising can be seen
as an important means of informing citizens about whois standing and what
they are offering the citizenry in policy terms.
But advertising, as already noted, also seeks to persuade. In the 1950s,
writing of the role of advertising in American consumer capitalism, Pierre
Martineau observed that
in our competitive system, few products are able to maintain any
technical superiority for long. They must be invested with overtones
to individualise them; they must be endowed with richness of
association and imagery; they must have many levels of meanings, if
we expect them to be top sellers, if we hope that they will achieve the
emotional attachment which shows up as brand loyalty.
(1957, p. 50)
In a marketplace where there are twenty brands of soap powder, all
performing essentially the same function (or thirty automobiles, or fifty types
of margarine), each brand must take on a unique identity in the minds of
the consumer. To use the language of Marx: the manufacturer creates a
commodity by endowing raw materials with ‘use-value’ (or utility). The
advertiser gives it ‘exchange-value’, which will be based partly on utility, but
also on its meaning as a distinctive entity in a status-conscious world.
Baudrillard writes of products having ‘sign-value’, in so far as they ‘are at
once use-value and exchange-value. The social hierarchies, the invidious
differences, the privileges of caste and culture which they support, are
encountered as profit, as personal satisfaction, as lived as “need”’ (1988, p.
59). Commodities come to signifymeanings other than those of their utility.
A Porsche is more than a vehicle for transporting people from one point to
another. Levi 501s are more than hard-wearing work garments. Flora
COMMUNICATING POLITICS
88
margarine is more than an oily spread. And in so far as commodities take on
these meanings, advertising is the most important means available to
producers for bringing them to the market.
Advertisements function, therefore, by making commodities mean
something to their prospective purchasers; by distinguishing one product
from another, functionally similar one; and by doing this in a manner which
connects with the desires of the consumer. As Leiss et al.put it, ‘in advertising, the creators of messages try to turn signifiers [commodities] with
which audiences may have little or no familiarity, into meaningful signs that,
they hope, will prompt consumers to respond with appropriate behaviour’
(1986, p. 153).
A variety of strategies are available to advertisers in pursuing this goal.
All have in common that they import familiar(to the audience) meanings
and signifiers from outside the narrow world of the product itself, and load
them on. The products being advertised appropriate meanings from other
signifiers existing in the culture (Williamson (1978) calls them ‘meaning
systems’). For example, the advertising of soap powder is frequently
organised around the meaning system of ‘science’. In advanced capitalist
societies, ‘science’ carries with it many positive connotations – objectivity,
authority, reliability, ‘modernness’, and so on. Thus, in a soap powder ad we
frequently find a white-coated ‘scientist’ ‘proving’ the effectiveness of the
product as against others in the market. The high cultural status of the
scientist, and the scientific procedure which he (it is, usually, a ‘he’) demonstrates, legitimises the product.
Another frequently used meaning system is that of nostalgia. In the
classic British example of this technique – the 1985 advertisement for Hovis
bread
5
– the product was placed in a mythical past where ‘natural’, ‘wholesome’ techniques of manufacturing bread were used, and in which people
were honest and hard-working. These attributes – ‘naturalness’, ‘wholesomeness’, ‘honesty’ – were implied by the structure of the ad to be in the
bread. Such a strategy could only work in a culture which values nostalgia
and associates it with the attributes mentioned. In Britain in the 1980s, such
a culture was clearly thought to exist by the advertiser concerned.
Advertisements may be constructed so as to associate their product-signifiers with well-known icons from the wider culture. Perfumes, for example,
are often ‘sold’ by associating them with former models and film stars. Each
‘star’-signifier has a distinctive meaning for the audience (Beyonce is not
Elizabeth Taylor, who is different from Kate Moss, who is not Nicole
Kidman, etc.). The perfume manufacturer aspires to borrow this meaning
and thus give the product an analogous distinctiveness. This strategy is
perhaps the most commonly used, in the advertising of everything from
training shoes to banking services (Pirelli’s Sharon Stone ad, and Michelin’s
use of the Velvet Underground song ‘Femme Fatale’ reveal the subtleties of
selling tyres in modern capitalism), and may be applied not just to human
ADVERTISING
89
icons but also to famous movies, songs, paintings and other signifiers with
broad cultural resonance. In this manner ‘advertising effects a “transfer of
value” through communicative connections between what a culture conceives as desirable states of being and products’ (Leiss et al., 1986, p. 222).
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POLITICAL ADVERTISING: A DEFINITION
Bolland defines advertising as the ‘paid placement of organisational messages
in the media’ (1989, p. 10).
4
Political advertising therefore, in the strict sense,
refers to the purchase and use of advertising space, paid for at commercial
rates, in order to transmit political messages to a mass audience. The media
used for this purpose may include cinema, billboards, the press, radio,
television and the internet.
In the US, television ads are known as ‘spots’, and their cost in the world’s
richest media market largely accounts for the extraordinary expense of US
political campaigning. In some countries, however, paid political advertising
on television and radio is restricted by law. In Britain, while paid advertising
can be bought in newspapers, cinemas and billboards, parties are prohibited
from buying broadcast airtime. Instead, they are allocated free airtime in
which to transmit party political broadcasts (PPBs) and party election broadcasts (PEBs). The allocation of airtime is based on the number of candidates
which a party stands at a general election.
While PPBs and PEBs (and their equivalents in other countries) are not
‘paid for’ advertisements in the American sense, they are produced using the
same techniques and with the same budgets as commercial advertisers. For
ADVERTISING
87
our purposes, therefore, PPBs are included alongside American ‘spots’ in this
chapter’s discussion of political advertising, both forms having in common
the fact that the politicians (or the creative staff to whom they delegate the
work) have complete artistic and editorial control over them.
HOW ADVERTISEMENTS WORK
Advertising, as was noted above, has two functions in the process of
exchange between a producer (of goods, services, or political programmes)
and the consumer. First, it informs. The political process, as we observed in
Chapter 1, is supposed to involve rationalchoices by voters, which must be
based on information. Journalism represents one important source of such
information, advertising another. So, just as early product advertisements
were little more than simple messages about the availability of a brand, its
price and function (use), so contemporary political advertising can be seen
as an important means of informing citizens about whois standing and what
they are offering the citizenry in policy terms.
But advertising, as already noted, also seeks to persuade. In the 1950s,
writing of the role of advertising in American consumer capitalism, Pierre
Martineau observed that
in our competitive system, few products are able to maintain any
technical superiority for long. They must be invested with overtones
to individualise them; they must be endowed with richness of
association and imagery; they must have many levels of meanings, if
we expect them to be top sellers, if we hope that they will achieve the
emotional attachment which shows up as brand loyalty.
(1957, p. 50)
In a marketplace where there are twenty brands of soap powder, all
performing essentially the same function (or thirty automobiles, or fifty types
of margarine), each brand must take on a unique identity in the minds of
the consumer. To use the language of Marx: the manufacturer creates a
commodity by endowing raw materials with ‘use-value’ (or utility). The
advertiser gives it ‘exchange-value’, which will be based partly on utility, but
also on its meaning as a distinctive entity in a status-conscious world.
Baudrillard writes of products having ‘sign-value’, in so far as they ‘are at
once use-value and exchange-value. The social hierarchies, the invidious
differences, the privileges of caste and culture which they support, are
encountered as profit, as personal satisfaction, as lived as “need”’ (1988, p.
59). Commodities come to signifymeanings other than those of their utility.
A Porsche is more than a vehicle for transporting people from one point to
another. Levi 501s are more than hard-wearing work garments. Flora
COMMUNICATING POLITICS
88
margarine is more than an oily spread. And in so far as commodities take on
these meanings, advertising is the most important means available to
producers for bringing them to the market.
Advertisements function, therefore, by making commodities mean
something to their prospective purchasers; by distinguishing one product
from another, functionally similar one; and by doing this in a manner which
connects with the desires of the consumer. As Leiss et al.put it, ‘in advertising, the creators of messages try to turn signifiers [commodities] with
which audiences may have little or no familiarity, into meaningful signs that,
they hope, will prompt consumers to respond with appropriate behaviour’
(1986, p. 153).
A variety of strategies are available to advertisers in pursuing this goal.
All have in common that they import familiar(to the audience) meanings
and signifiers from outside the narrow world of the product itself, and load
them on. The products being advertised appropriate meanings from other
signifiers existing in the culture (Williamson (1978) calls them ‘meaning
systems’). For example, the advertising of soap powder is frequently
organised around the meaning system of ‘science’. In advanced capitalist
societies, ‘science’ carries with it many positive connotations – objectivity,
authority, reliability, ‘modernness’, and so on. Thus, in a soap powder ad we
frequently find a white-coated ‘scientist’ ‘proving’ the effectiveness of the
product as against others in the market. The high cultural status of the
scientist, and the scientific procedure which he (it is, usually, a ‘he’) demonstrates, legitimises the product.
Another frequently used meaning system is that of nostalgia. In the
classic British example of this technique – the 1985 advertisement for Hovis
bread
5
– the product was placed in a mythical past where ‘natural’, ‘wholesome’ techniques of manufacturing bread were used, and in which people
were honest and hard-working. These attributes – ‘naturalness’, ‘wholesomeness’, ‘honesty’ – were implied by the structure of the ad to be in the
bread. Such a strategy could only work in a culture which values nostalgia
and associates it with the attributes mentioned. In Britain in the 1980s, such
a culture was clearly thought to exist by the advertiser concerned.
Advertisements may be constructed so as to associate their product-signifiers with well-known icons from the wider culture. Perfumes, for example,
are often ‘sold’ by associating them with former models and film stars. Each
‘star’-signifier has a distinctive meaning for the audience (Beyonce is not
Elizabeth Taylor, who is different from Kate Moss, who is not Nicole
Kidman, etc.). The perfume manufacturer aspires to borrow this meaning
and thus give the product an analogous distinctiveness. This strategy is
perhaps the most commonly used, in the advertising of everything from
training shoes to banking services (Pirelli’s Sharon Stone ad, and Michelin’s
use of the Velvet Underground song ‘Femme Fatale’ reveal the subtleties of
selling tyres in modern capitalism), and may be applied not just to human
ADVERTISING
89
icons but also to famous movies, songs, paintings and other signifiers with
broad cultural resonance. In this manner ‘advertising effects a “transfer of
value” through communicative connections between what a culture conceives as desirable states of being and products’ (Leiss et al., 1986, p. 222).
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
IKLAN POLITIK: Sebuah DEFINISI
Bolland mendefinisikan iklan sebagai 'penempatan dibayar pesan organisasi
di media '(1989, hal 10.).
4
iklan politik oleh karena itu, dalam arti sempit,
mengacu pada pembelian dan penggunaan ruang iklan, dibayar untuk di komersial
tarif, untuk mengirimkan pesan-pesan politik kepada khalayak massa. Media
yang digunakan untuk tujuan ini mungkin termasuk bioskop, billboard, pers, radio,
televisi dan internet.
Di AS, iklan televisi yang dikenal sebagai 'titik', dan biaya mereka di dunia
pasar media terkaya sebagian besar merupakan biaya yang luar biasa AS
kampanye politik. Di beberapa negara, bagaimanapun, membayar iklan politik
di televisi dan radio dibatasi oleh hukum. Di Inggris, sementara iklan yang dibayar
bisa dibeli di koran, bioskop dan billboard, pihak dilarang
dari membeli waktu siaran. Sebaliknya, mereka dialokasikan airtime gratis di
mana untuk mengirimkan siaran partai politik (PPBS) dan siaran pemilu partai (PEBS). Alokasi airtime berdasarkan jumlah calon
yang pesta berdiri di pemilihan umum.
Sementara PPBS dan PEBS (dan setara mereka di negara lain) tidak
'dibayar untuk' iklan dalam arti Amerika, mereka diproduksi dengan menggunakan
yang sama teknik dan dengan anggaran yang sama dengan pengiklan komersial. Untuk
ADVERTISING
87
tujuan kita, oleh karena itu, PPBS termasuk bersama Amerika 'tempat' dalam
diskusi bab tentang iklan politik, kedua bentuk memiliki kesamaan
fakta bahwa politisi (atau staf kreatif kepada siapa mereka mendelegasikan
pekerjaan) sudah lengkap artistik dan kontrol editorial atas mereka.
CARA KERJA IKLAN
Iklan, seperti yang disebutkan di atas, memiliki dua fungsi dalam proses
pertukaran antara produser (barang, jasa, atau program politik)
dan konsumen. Pertama, menginformasikan. Proses politik, seperti yang kita diamati pada
Bab 1, seharusnya melibatkan rationalchoices oleh pemilih, yang harus
didasarkan pada informasi. Jurnalisme merupakan salah satu sumber penting seperti
informasi, iklan lain. Jadi, iklan produk seperti awal
tidak lebih dari pesan sederhana tentang ketersediaan merek, yang
harga dan fungsi (penggunaan), sehingga iklan politik kontemporer dapat dilihat
sebagai sarana penting untuk menginformasikan warga tentang whois berdiri dan apa
yang mereka tawarkan warga negara dalam hal kebijakan.
Tapi iklan, sebagaimana telah dicatat, juga berupaya untuk membujuk. Pada tahun 1950,
menulis tentang peran iklan dalam kapitalisme konsumen Amerika, Pierre
Martineau mengamati bahwa
dalam sistem kompetitif, beberapa produk mampu mempertahankan setiap
keunggulan teknis lama. Mereka harus diinvestasikan dengan nada
untuk individualise mereka; mereka harus diberkahi dengan kekayaan
asosiasi dan citra; mereka harus memiliki banyak tingkatan arti, jika
kita mengharapkan mereka untuk menjadi penjual atas, jika kita berharap bahwa mereka akan mencapai
ikatan emosional yang muncul sebagai loyalitas merek.
(1957, hal. 50)
Dalam pasar di mana ada dua puluh merek sabun bubuk, semua
melakukan dasarnya fungsi yang sama (atau tiga puluh mobil, atau lima puluh jenis
margarin), masing-masing merek harus mengambil identitas unik di benak
konsumen. Untuk menggunakan bahasa Marx: produsen menciptakan
komoditas dengan endowing bahan baku dengan 'nilai guna' (atau utilitas). The
pengiklan memberikan 'nilai tukar', yang akan didasarkan sebagian pada utilitas, tetapi
juga pada maknanya sebagai entitas khas dalam dunia sadar status.
Baudrillard menulis produk yang memiliki 'tanda-nilai', sejauh mereka 'yang pada
sekali menggunakan-nilai dan nilai tukar. Hierarki sosial, menyakitkan hati
perbedaan, hak-hak istimewa kasta dan budaya yang mereka dukung, yang
ditemui sebagai keuntungan, kepuasan pribadi, hidup sebagai "kebutuhan" '(1988, hal.
59). Komoditas datang ke signifymeanings selain yang utilitas mereka.
Sebuah Porsche adalah lebih dari sebuah kendaraan untuk mengangkut orang dari satu titik ke titik
yang lain. Levi 501 lebih dari pakaian kerja keras-memakai. Flora
berkomunikasi POLITIK
88
margarin lebih dari penyebaran berminyak. Dan sejauh komoditas mengambil
makna ini, iklan adalah cara yang paling penting tersedia untuk
produsen untuk membawa mereka ke pasar.
Fungsi Iklan, oleh karena itu, dengan membuat komoditas berarti
sesuatu kepada calon pembeli mereka; dengan membedakan satu produk
dari yang lain, secara fungsional serupa satu; dan dengan melakukan hal ini dengan cara yang
menghubungkan dengan keinginan konsumen. Sebagai Leiss et al.put itu, dalam iklan, pencipta pesan mencoba untuk mengubah penanda [komoditas] dengan
khalayak mungkin memiliki sedikit atau tidak ada keakraban, menjadi tanda-tanda yang berarti bahwa,
mereka berharap, akan mendorong konsumen untuk merespon dengan perilaku yang tepat '
(1986, hal. 153).
Berbagai strategi yang tersedia untuk pengiklan dalam mengejar tujuan ini.
Semua memiliki kesamaan bahwa mereka mengimpor familiar (ke penonton) makna
dan penanda dari luar dunia sempit dari produk itu sendiri, dan beban
mereka pada. Produk yang diiklankan makna yang tepat dari lainnya
penanda yang ada dalam budaya (Williamson (1978) menyebut mereka 'yang berarti
sistem '). Misalnya, iklan sabun bubuk sering
dikelola dengan menggunakan sistem makna 'ilmu'. Dalam kapitalis maju
masyarakat, 'ilmu' disertai dengan banyak konotasi positif - objektivitas,
otoritas, kehandalan, 'modernness', dan sebagainya. Dengan demikian, dalam iklan sabun bubuk kita
sering menemukan 'ilmuwan' berjas putih 'membuktikan' efektivitas
produk sebagai terhadap orang lain di pasar. Status tinggi budaya
ilmuwan, dan prosedur ilmiah yang ia (itu, biasanya, sebuah 'dia') menunjukkan, mengesahkan produk.
lain yang sering digunakan sistem berarti adalah bahwa nostalgia. Dalam
contoh klasik Inggris dari teknik ini - iklan 1985 untuk Hovis
roti
5
- produk tersebut ditempatkan di masa lalu mitos di mana 'alami', teknik 'sehat' roti manufaktur yang digunakan, dan di mana orang
yang jujur ​​dan pekerja keras . Atribut ini - 'kealamian', 'kebajikan', 'kejujuran' - yang tersirat oleh struktur iklan yang akan di
roti. Strategi seperti ini hanya bisa bekerja di dalam budaya yang nilai-nilai nostalgia
dan asosiasi dengan atribut yang disebutkan. Di Inggris pada 1980-an, seperti
budaya jelas diperkirakan ada oleh pemasang iklan yang bersangkutan.
Iklan dapat dibangun sehingga untuk mengasosiasikan mereka produk-penanda dengan ikon terkenal dari budaya yang lebih luas. Parfum, misalnya,
sering 'dijual' dengan menghubungkan mereka dengan mantan model dan bintang film. Setiap
'star'-penanda memiliki makna tersendiri bagi penonton (Beyonce tidak
Elizabeth Taylor, yang berbeda dari Kate Moss, yang tidak Nicole
Kidman, dll). Para produsen parfum bercita-cita untuk meminjam arti ini
dan dengan demikian memberikan produk sebuah kekhasan analog. Strategi ini
mungkin yang paling umum digunakan, dalam iklan segala sesuatu dari
sepatu pelatihan untuk layanan perbankan (ad Sharon Stone Pirelli, dan Michelin
penggunaan lagu Velvet Underground 'Femme Fatale' mengungkapkan seluk-beluk
menjual ban dalam kapitalisme modern), dan dapat diterapkan tidak hanya untuk manusia
ADVERTISING
89
ikon tetapi juga untuk film-film terkenal, lagu, lukisan dan penanda lain dengan
resonansi budaya yang luas. Dengan cara ini 'efek iklan sebuah "transfer
nilai "melalui koneksi komunikatif antara apa budaya conceives negara sebagai diinginkan menjadi dan produk '(Leiss et al., 1986, hal. 222).
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