Like many cities, Singapore has suffered from the environmental effect terjemahan - Like many cities, Singapore has suffered from the environmental effect Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Like many cities, Singapore has suf

Like many cities, Singapore has suffered from the environmental effects of a growing car-driving
population: congestion resulting in longer travel times for cars and public transport alike, air pollution, wear and tear on roads, and a lower quality of life for those living and working in heavily congested areas. Because car drivers do not naturally bear the substantial costs they impose on society,charging for urban road use is theoretically appealing. The success of Singapore's Area Licensing Scheme demonstrates its practical appeal as well.
In 1975, cars represented half of Singapore's 280,000 registered vehicles and were owned at a rate of one per 16 people. In an attempt to reduce central city traffic from 25% to 30% during peak hours, the city implemented a scheme that charged drivers for using roads in the city center during these hours. Specifically, the city aimed to: a) reduce car use within certain areas during particular times; b) leave economic activity unaffected; c) enact a scheme that was easy to implement and enforce; and d) provide those no longer driving into the inner city with attractive travel alternatives. The area pricing scheme required vehicles traveling through the city center at peak hours to purchase a daily or monthly license, raised daytime parking fees within this area, and instituted a park-and-ride service to facilitate easy non-car commuting. Buses, cycles, and cars with four or more passengers were exempted from the licensing requirements.
The scheme had the following effects. Above all, it achieved a traffic reduction of 73% in the restricted zone during peak hours. In addition, business seemed largely unaffected, and although the park-andride option was not heavily utilized the city found the overall scheme easy to implement and enforce. Carpools increased from 10% to 40% of all traffic. Thirteen per cent of car-owning commuters traveling into the zone switched to public transport, and about the same percentage changed their commuting time to pre-peak hours. For those who did not change their habits to avoid the zone during peak hours, the monthly average commuting cost rose from US $64 to US $95. More significantly, all but one-tenth of “through zone” commuters changed their route or departure time to avoid licensing fees. Travel speeds increased by 10% on incoming roads and by 20% on zone roads. There were additional environmental benefits. Although other pollutants were difficult to measure, the level of carbon monoxide declined significantly during the hours the scheme was in effect. Central city residents and shoppers reported greater ease and safety in getting around, less fumes, and generally happier living and shopping conditions.
Generally, all affected groups concurred that the impact on Singapore was positive, with motorists being the only ones to perceive themselves as worse off, though not badly so. Their perceptions were accurate since they were, in fact, shouldering more of the social costs of their car use. With an initial return on investment of 77% (which rose to 95% with an increase in license fees) the scheme achieved its goals without undue budgetary costs. Less quantifiable, but more significant may be the long-term benefits, specifically the road construction or future congestion that may be avoided due to changed habits and attitudes towards public transit and car use.
In another part of the world, Santiago, Chile suffered from a similar congestion and pollution problem in the late 1980s, as did Singapore in the mid-1970s, but for a different reason. Ten years earlier the Santiago urban public bus system was completely deregulated and made a free access system. This resulted in rapid expansion of the bus fleet to 13,000 buses, 40% above the optimum (rentmaximizing) level. Congestion resulted both from the excessive number of buses and the lack of coordination of bus stops. Transport-related emissions grew as a result of the large number of buses and taxis scouting the city streets for passengers, the very low speed, and the lack of minimum standards of quality. Despite the formation of an operators' organization, the “Consejo Superior del Transport,” which was able to raise prices, excess congestion continued because most buses were depreciated and continued to operate with low occupancy as long as they covered their operating costs (Hartje et. al., 1994).
To relieve congestion in the streets of central Santiago, a new law was passed in 1991 to enable the Ministry of Transportation to establish regulations regarding minimum quality of service, air pollution, and access to congested roads. A number of innovations were introduced under this law. First, buses and taxicabs older than 18 years were bought by the government for their scrap value and retired. By 1994, as much as one-third of the fleet was to be retired. Second, a registry for public transport vehicles was established, and entry was limited to new vehicles. Third, service quality and air emission standards were introduced. Fourth, the rights of access by buses and taxis to roads congested by these vehicles were auctioned. To ensure compliance and reduce enforcement costs, only incorporated companies were allowed to bid, thus providing a strong incentive for incorporation of small operations into companies or cooperatives. The selection criteria included quality of proposed service, air emission characteristics, and frequency on specific lines to ensure that the reduction came from frequency reduction not from change in spatial structure of lines (Hartje et. al., 1994).
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Seperti banyak kota, Singapura telah menderita dari dampak lingkungan tumbuh mobil mengemudipopulasi: kemacetan yang mengakibatkan lagi perjalanan kali untuk mobil dan transportasi umum yang sama, udara polusi, dan keausan pada jalan dan kualitas hidup yang lebih rendah bagi mereka yang tinggal dan bekerja di daerah-daerah yang sangat padat. Karena mobil driver tidak alami menanggung biaya besar mereka menerapkan pada masyarakat, pengisian untuk jalan perkotaan digunakan secara teoritis menarik. Keberhasilan di Singapura Area perizinan skema menunjukkan tariknya praktis juga.Pada tahun 1975, mobil mewakili setengah dari Singapura 280.000 terdaftar kendaraan dan dimiliki pada tingkat satu per 16 orang. Dalam upaya untuk mengurangi lalu lintas tengah kota dari 25% sampai 30% saat jam sibuk, kota dilaksanakan sebuah skema yang dikenakan driver untuk menggunakan jalan-jalan di pusat kota selama jam-jam tersebut. Secara khusus, kota bertujuan untuk:) mengurangi penggunaan mobil dalam daerah-daerah tertentu selama waktu tertentu; b) meninggalkan aktivitas ekonomi tidak terpengaruh; c) menetapkan suatu skema yang mudah untuk menerapkan dan menegakkan; dan d) menyediakan orang-orang yang tidak lagi berkendara ke pusat kota dengan alternatif menarik perjalanan. Daerah harga skema diperlukan kendaraan perjalanan melalui pusat kota di jam sibuk untuk membeli lisensi harian atau bulanan, menaikkan biaya parkir siang hari dalam area ini, dan menetapkan sebuah layanan park dan naik untuk memfasilitasi mudah bebas-mobil komuter. Bus, siklus, dan mobil dengan empat atau lebih penumpang yang dibebaskan dari persyaratan perizinan.Scheme mempunyai efek berikut. Di atas semua, itu dicapai penurunan lalu lintas 73% di zona terbatas selama jam sibuk. Selain itu, bisnis tampaknya sebagian besar tidak terpengaruh, dan meskipun opsi park-andride tidak gencar dimanfaatkan kota menemukan skema keseluruhan mudah untuk menerapkan dan menegakkan. Carpools meningkat dari 10% sampai 40% dari semua lalu lintas. Tiga belas persen dari memiliki mobil komuter bepergian ke zona beralih ke transportasi umum, dan tentang persentase yang sama berubah waktu mereka komuter untuk pra-puncak jam. Bagi mereka yang tidak mengubah kebiasaan mereka untuk menghindari zona selama jam sibuk, rata-rata bulanan komuter biaya naik dari US $64 hingga US $95. Lebih penting lagi, Semua tetapi sepersepuluh dari "melalui zona" komuter mengubah rute mereka atau waktu keberangkatan untuk menghindari perizinan biaya. Kecepatan meningkat sebesar 10% pada jalan masuk dan 20% di zona jalan perjalanan. Ada tambahan manfaat lingkungan. Meskipun polutan lain sulit untuk mengukur, tingkat karbon monoksida menurun secara signifikan selama jam skema ini berlaku. Pusat kota penduduk dan pembeli melaporkan lebih mudah dan keselamatan dalam mendapatkan sekitar, kurang asap, dan umumnya lebih bahagia hidup dan belanja kondisi.Umumnya, Semua kelompok yang terkena dampak setuju bahwa dampak pada Singapore adalah positif, dengan pengendara menjadi satu-satunya untuk menganggap diri mereka sebagai lebih buruk, meskipun tidak begitu buruk. Persepsi mereka yang akurat karena mereka adalah, pada kenyataannya, memanggul lebih dari biaya sosial dari penggunaan mobil mereka. Dengan awal investasi 77% (yang naik ke 95% dengan peningkatan biaya lisensi) skema mencapai target tanpa biaya anggaran yang tidak semestinya. Kurang diukur, tetapi lebih signifikan mungkin manfaat jangka panjang, khususnya pembangunan jalan atau masa depan kemacetan yang dapat dihindari karena kebiasaan berubah dan sikap terhadap penggunaan umum transit dan mobil.Di bagian lain dunia, Santiago, Chili menderita dari masalah polusi dan kemacetan yang serupa di akhir tahun 1980an, seperti Singapura pada pertengahan 1970-an, tapi untuk alasan yang berbeda. Sepuluh tahun terdahulu sistem bus umum perkotaan Santiago benar-benar deregulasi dan membuat sistem akses gratis. Ini mengakibatkan ekspansi armada bus untuk bus 13.000, 40% di atas tingkat optimal (rentmaximizing). Kemacetan menghasilkan baik dari jumlah berlebihan bus dan kurangnya koordinasi dari perhentian bus. Emisi yang berkaitan dengan transportasi tumbuh sebagai hasil dari sejumlah besar bus dan taksi pemanduan jalan-jalan kota untuk penumpang, kecepatan sangat rendah dan kurangnya standar minimum kualitas. Meskipun pembentukan organisasi operator, "Consejo Superior del transportasi," yang dapat menaikkan harga, terus kemacetan kelebihan karena kebanyakan bus yang disusutkan dan terus beroperasi dengan hunian rendah selama mereka menutupi biaya operasional mereka (Hartje et.Al, 1994).Untuk mengurangi kemacetan di jalan-jalan pusat Santiago, undang-undang baru disahkan pada tahun 1991 untuk mengaktifkan Kementerian Perhubungan untuk menetapkan ketentuan mengenai kualitas minimum layanan, polusi udara, dan akses ke jalan padat. Sejumlah inovasi diperkenalkan di bawah undang-undang ini. Pertama, bus dan taksi berusia lebih dari 18 tahun yang dibeli oleh pemerintah untuk nilai memo dan pensiun. Pada tahun 1994, sebanyak satu pertiga dari armada adalah untuk pensiun. Kedua, registri untuk kendaraan angkutan umum didirikan, dan catatan itu terbatas pada kendaraan baru. Ketiga, Layanan berkualitas dan udara standar emisi diperkenalkan. Keempat, hak-hak akses oleh bus dan taksi ke jalan-jalan yang macet oleh kendaraan ini sedang dilelang. Untuk memastikan kepatuhan dan mengurangi biaya penegakan, hanya memasukkan perusahaan yang diizinkan untuk tawaran, sehingga memberikan insentif yang kuat untuk penggabungan operasi kecil ke dalam perusahaan atau koperasi. Kriteria seleksi termasuk kualitas layanan yang diusulkan, udara emisi karakteristik, dan frekuensi baris tertentu untuk memastikan bahwa pengurangan berasal dari pengurangan frekuensi bukan dari perubahan dalam struktur spasial baris (Hartje et.Al, 1994).
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Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
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Like many cities, Singapore has suffered from the environmental effects of a growing car-driving
population: congestion resulting in longer travel times for cars and public transport alike, air pollution, wear and tear on roads, and a lower quality of life for those living and working in heavily congested areas. Because car drivers do not naturally bear the substantial costs they impose on society,charging for urban road use is theoretically appealing. The success of Singapore's Area Licensing Scheme demonstrates its practical appeal as well.
In 1975, cars represented half of Singapore's 280,000 registered vehicles and were owned at a rate of one per 16 people. In an attempt to reduce central city traffic from 25% to 30% during peak hours, the city implemented a scheme that charged drivers for using roads in the city center during these hours. Specifically, the city aimed to: a) reduce car use within certain areas during particular times; b) leave economic activity unaffected; c) enact a scheme that was easy to implement and enforce; and d) provide those no longer driving into the inner city with attractive travel alternatives. The area pricing scheme required vehicles traveling through the city center at peak hours to purchase a daily or monthly license, raised daytime parking fees within this area, and instituted a park-and-ride service to facilitate easy non-car commuting. Buses, cycles, and cars with four or more passengers were exempted from the licensing requirements.
The scheme had the following effects. Above all, it achieved a traffic reduction of 73% in the restricted zone during peak hours. In addition, business seemed largely unaffected, and although the park-andride option was not heavily utilized the city found the overall scheme easy to implement and enforce. Carpools increased from 10% to 40% of all traffic. Thirteen per cent of car-owning commuters traveling into the zone switched to public transport, and about the same percentage changed their commuting time to pre-peak hours. For those who did not change their habits to avoid the zone during peak hours, the monthly average commuting cost rose from US $64 to US $95. More significantly, all but one-tenth of “through zone” commuters changed their route or departure time to avoid licensing fees. Travel speeds increased by 10% on incoming roads and by 20% on zone roads. There were additional environmental benefits. Although other pollutants were difficult to measure, the level of carbon monoxide declined significantly during the hours the scheme was in effect. Central city residents and shoppers reported greater ease and safety in getting around, less fumes, and generally happier living and shopping conditions.
Generally, all affected groups concurred that the impact on Singapore was positive, with motorists being the only ones to perceive themselves as worse off, though not badly so. Their perceptions were accurate since they were, in fact, shouldering more of the social costs of their car use. With an initial return on investment of 77% (which rose to 95% with an increase in license fees) the scheme achieved its goals without undue budgetary costs. Less quantifiable, but more significant may be the long-term benefits, specifically the road construction or future congestion that may be avoided due to changed habits and attitudes towards public transit and car use.
In another part of the world, Santiago, Chile suffered from a similar congestion and pollution problem in the late 1980s, as did Singapore in the mid-1970s, but for a different reason. Ten years earlier the Santiago urban public bus system was completely deregulated and made a free access system. This resulted in rapid expansion of the bus fleet to 13,000 buses, 40% above the optimum (rentmaximizing) level. Congestion resulted both from the excessive number of buses and the lack of coordination of bus stops. Transport-related emissions grew as a result of the large number of buses and taxis scouting the city streets for passengers, the very low speed, and the lack of minimum standards of quality. Despite the formation of an operators' organization, the “Consejo Superior del Transport,” which was able to raise prices, excess congestion continued because most buses were depreciated and continued to operate with low occupancy as long as they covered their operating costs (Hartje et. al., 1994).
To relieve congestion in the streets of central Santiago, a new law was passed in 1991 to enable the Ministry of Transportation to establish regulations regarding minimum quality of service, air pollution, and access to congested roads. A number of innovations were introduced under this law. First, buses and taxicabs older than 18 years were bought by the government for their scrap value and retired. By 1994, as much as one-third of the fleet was to be retired. Second, a registry for public transport vehicles was established, and entry was limited to new vehicles. Third, service quality and air emission standards were introduced. Fourth, the rights of access by buses and taxis to roads congested by these vehicles were auctioned. To ensure compliance and reduce enforcement costs, only incorporated companies were allowed to bid, thus providing a strong incentive for incorporation of small operations into companies or cooperatives. The selection criteria included quality of proposed service, air emission characteristics, and frequency on specific lines to ensure that the reduction came from frequency reduction not from change in spatial structure of lines (Hartje et. al., 1994).
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