Politics of liberationIn the 1960s, ‘liberation’ was a demand made not terjemahan - Politics of liberationIn the 1960s, ‘liberation’ was a demand made not Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Politics of liberationIn the 1960s,

Politics of liberation
In the 1960s, ‘liberation’ was a demand made not only on behalf of specific
groups – colonial peoples, women, gays and lesbians – but also in relation
to the entire society. The quest for liberation was the rallying cry of a
broad collection of groups broadly classified as the New Left. Although the
New Left lacked theoretical and organisational coherence, embracing
movements as diverse as feminism, environmentalism, student activism
and anti-Vietnam War protest, it was distinguished by its rejection of both
‘old left’ alternatives on offer. Soviet-style state socialism in Eastern
Europe was regarded as authoritarian and oppressive; Western social
democracy was thought to be hopelessly compromised, lacking both vision
and principles. By contrast, the New Left adopted a radical style of
political activism which extolled the virtues of popular participation and
direct action. The revolutionary character of this new political style was
clearly revealed by the events of May 1968 in France, the month-long
rebellion by students and young workers.
Many in the New Left were attracted by the revolutionary character of
Marxist thought, but strove to remodel and revise it to make it applicable
to advanced industrial societies that had achieved a high level of material
affluence. Whereas orthodox Marxists had developed an economic critique
of capitalism, emphasising the importance of exploitation, economic
inequality and class war, the New Left, influenced by critical theory and
anarchist ideas, underlined the way in which capitalism had produced a
system of ideological and cultural domination. The enemy was therefore
no longer simply the class system or a repressive state but rather ‘the
system’, an all-encompassing process of repression that operated through
the family, the educational system, conventional culture, work, politics
and so on. In this context, ‘political liberation’ came to mean nothing less
than a negation of the existing society, a radical break or, as Marcuse
described it, a ‘leap into the realm of freedom – a total rupture’. Once
again, ‘liberation’ held out the prospect of cultural, personal and psychological
revolution and not merely political change; at the same time it
created the image of a fully satisfying and personally fulfilling society of
the future.
Herbert Marcuse was probably the most influential thinker within
the New Left. Not only did Marcuse develop a biological critique of
capitalism in terms of sexual repression, but he also tried to explain ho
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Politik pembebasan
pada 1960-an, 'pembebasan' adalah permintaan yang dibuat tidak hanya atas nama spesifik
grup – bangsa-bangsa kolonial, perempuan, kaum gay dan lesbian-tetapi juga dalam relasi
untuk seluruh masyarakat. Pencarian untuk pembebasan adalah seruan dari
luas koleksi kelompok-kelompok yang luas diklasifikasikan sebagai gerakan kiri baru. Meskipun
kiri baru tidak memiliki koherensi teoritis dan organisasi, merangkul
gerakan-gerakan yang beragam seperti feminisme, environmentalisme, aktivisme para mahasiswa
dan Perang Vietnam anti protes, itu adalah dibedakan oleh penolakan kedua
'lama kiri' alternatif yang ditawarkan. Bergaya Soviet sosialisme di Timur
Europe dianggap sebagai otoriter dan menindas; Barat sosial
demokrasi diperkirakan akan dikompromi, kurang visi kedua
dan prinsip-prinsip. Sebaliknya, Kiri baru mengadopsi gaya radikal
aktivisme politik yang memuji kebaikan partisipasi rakyat dan
tindakan langsung. Karakter revolusioner gaya politik baru ini adalah
jelas dinyatakan oleh peristiwa Mei 1968 di Perancis, sebulan
pemberontakan oleh mahasiswa dan pekerja muda.
banyak dalam gerakan kiri baru tertarik oleh karakter revolusioner
Marxis berpikir, tapi berjuang untuk merombak dan merevisi untuk membuatnya berlaku
masyarakat industri maju yang telah mencapai tingkat tinggi bahan
kemakmuran. Sedangkan Ortodoks Marxis telah mengembangkan sebuah kritik ekonomi
kapitalisme, menekankan pentingnya eksploitasi, ekonomi
ketidaksetaraan dan kelas perang, gerakan kiri Baru dipengaruhi oleh teori kritis dan
ide anarkis, menggarisbawahi cara di mana kapitalisme telah menghasilkan
sistem dominasi ideologi dan budaya. Musuh itu
tidak lagi hanya sistem kelas atau negara represif melainkan '
sistem ', proses menyeluruh represi yang dioperasikan melalui
Keluarga, sistem pendidikan, budaya konvensional, pekerjaan, politik
dan seterusnya. Dalam konteks ini, 'pembebasan politik bukanlah' datang ke berarti apa-apa kurang
daripada penyangkalan masyarakat yang ada, perpecahan, atau sebagai Marcuse
menggambarkannya, 'melompat ke dunia kebebasan-pecah total'. Sekali
lagi, 'pembebasan' mengulurkan prospek budaya, pribadi dan psikologis
revolusi dan perubahan tidak hanya politik; pada saat yang sama itu
menciptakan citra sepenuhnya memuaskan dan memenuhi secara pribadi masyarakat
masa depan.
Herbert Marcuse mungkin adalah pemikir yang paling berpengaruh dalam
gerakan kiri baru. Tidak hanya Marcuse berkembang kritik biologis
kapitalisme dalam penindasan sexual, tetapi ia juga mencoba untuk menjelaskan ho
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:[Salinan]
Disalin!
Politics of liberation
In the 1960s, ‘liberation’ was a demand made not only on behalf of specific
groups – colonial peoples, women, gays and lesbians – but also in relation
to the entire society. The quest for liberation was the rallying cry of a
broad collection of groups broadly classified as the New Left. Although the
New Left lacked theoretical and organisational coherence, embracing
movements as diverse as feminism, environmentalism, student activism
and anti-Vietnam War protest, it was distinguished by its rejection of both
‘old left’ alternatives on offer. Soviet-style state socialism in Eastern
Europe was regarded as authoritarian and oppressive; Western social
democracy was thought to be hopelessly compromised, lacking both vision
and principles. By contrast, the New Left adopted a radical style of
political activism which extolled the virtues of popular participation and
direct action. The revolutionary character of this new political style was
clearly revealed by the events of May 1968 in France, the month-long
rebellion by students and young workers.
Many in the New Left were attracted by the revolutionary character of
Marxist thought, but strove to remodel and revise it to make it applicable
to advanced industrial societies that had achieved a high level of material
affluence. Whereas orthodox Marxists had developed an economic critique
of capitalism, emphasising the importance of exploitation, economic
inequality and class war, the New Left, influenced by critical theory and
anarchist ideas, underlined the way in which capitalism had produced a
system of ideological and cultural domination. The enemy was therefore
no longer simply the class system or a repressive state but rather ‘the
system’, an all-encompassing process of repression that operated through
the family, the educational system, conventional culture, work, politics
and so on. In this context, ‘political liberation’ came to mean nothing less
than a negation of the existing society, a radical break or, as Marcuse
described it, a ‘leap into the realm of freedom – a total rupture’. Once
again, ‘liberation’ held out the prospect of cultural, personal and psychological
revolution and not merely political change; at the same time it
created the image of a fully satisfying and personally fulfilling society of
the future.
Herbert Marcuse was probably the most influential thinker within
the New Left. Not only did Marcuse develop a biological critique of
capitalism in terms of sexual repression, but he also tried to explain ho
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
 
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