Structural Effects in Education 111rated on it in

Structural Effects in Education 111

Structural Effects in Education 111
rated on it in "Continuities in the Theory of Social Structure and Anomie" and modified the
definition of social structure. The 1938 definition of "cultural structure" remained the same,
but by 1957 social structure referred to "that organized set of social relationships in which
members of the society or group are variously implicated" (p. 162; my italics). This revision
did not displace the earlier definition of social structure as legitimized means, but rather took
account of individuals' situations as they acted. Social structure consisted of positions and
statuses that limited or enabled the culturally prescribed actions of the individuals occupying
them (p. 162). This formulation identified situations—structural circumstances (later elaborated
as "opportunity structure"; Merton, 1959, 1995; Stinchcombe, 1990)—based, for example,
on status or on class (though not limited to them), affecting the likelihood that individual
conduct will utilize institutionalized means.
Merton advocated the detailed description of social conduct. Discussing Cohen's Delinquent
Boys (1955), for example, he noticed the careful portrayal of the nonutilitarian character
of delinquent behavior ignored by previous writers on the topic and not adequately addressed
by the theory of anomie. To explain delinquent behavior,
one must presumably look to the social interaction among these like-minded deviants who mutually
reinforce their deviant attitudes and behavior which, in the theory, result from the more or less
common situation [of disjointed ends and means] in which they find themselves. (Merton, 1957a,
pp. 178-9)
He maintained that not all individuals exposed to the same conditions deal with them the same
way. That not all aspects of conduct are explained by the theory of anomie, and that rates of
conduct vary under the same circumstances suggest that attention must be paid to the mechanisms
(Merton, 1949) by which social conditions influence conduct. This is to explain why,
given common circumstances, some engage in certain patterns of action whereas others do
not. These mechanisms, he believed, can be found in patterns of interaction (though not only
there) revealed in appropriate descriptions of social phenomena. He followed a similar line of
analysis in "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality" (1940) to explain the structural origins of
bureaucratic overconformity, a type of deviance.
Merton's essays of the 1930s and 1940s developed a theoretical position that drew on
and elaborated on Durkheim's treatment of how social structure and individual conduct were
connected. The arguments built theoretical principles from illustrations and from the clarification
of concepts. In later work, inspired by the depiction of World War 11 military life found in
The American Soldier (Stouffer, Lunsdaine, et al., 1949a; Stouffer, Suchman, deVinney, Star,
& Williams, 1949b), he pursued this problem area with greater reliance on quantitative analysis
than in the past. The landmark publication illustrating this was the essay, "Contributions to
the Theory of Reference Group Behavior" (Merton & Kitt, 1950). One of its tasks was to
develop propositions that subsumed ostensibly disparate findings in The American Soldier, a
treasury of survey evidence on soldiers' beliefs, attitudes, assessments of circumstances, definition
of situations, complaints, and satisfactions related to their structural locations in both
civilian and in military life. These locations were defined by opportunities and by constraints
influencing how soldiers tried to achieve culturally emphasized goals using institutionalized
means (Merton, 1959; 1964 p. 216; Stinchcombe, 1990).
Although Merton and Kitt (1950) devoted much of the text to this task, they also dwelt on
how to characterize such elements of social structure as opportunities for promotion in different
branches of the Army (p. 53), group contexts defined by aggregating individual characteristics
(p. 71), the "open or closed character of the social structure" (p. 89), and social aggregates
defined as actual groups or as categories.


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Structural Effects in Education 111rated on it in "Continuities in the Theory of Social Structure and Anomie" and modified thedefinition of social structure. The 1938 definition of "cultural structure" remained the same,but by 1957 social structure referred to "that organized set of social relationships in whichmembers of the society or group are variously implicated" (p. 162; my italics). This revisiondid not displace the earlier definition of social structure as legitimized means, but rather tookaccount of individuals' situations as they acted. Social structure consisted of positions andstatuses that limited or enabled the culturally prescribed actions of the individuals occupyingthem (p. 162). This formulation identified situations—structural circumstances (later elaboratedas "opportunity structure"; Merton, 1959, 1995; Stinchcombe, 1990)—based, for example,on status or on class (though not limited to them), affecting the likelihood that individualconduct will utilize institutionalized means.Merton advocated the detailed description of social conduct. Discussing Cohen's DelinquentBoys (1955), for example, he noticed the careful portrayal of the nonutilitarian characterof delinquent behavior ignored by previous writers on the topic and not adequately addressedby the theory of anomie. To explain delinquent behavior,one must presumably look to the social interaction among these like-minded deviants who mutuallyreinforce their deviant attitudes and behavior which, in the theory, result from the more or lesscommon situation [of disjointed ends and means] in which they find themselves. (Merton, 1957a,pp. 178-9)He maintained that not all individuals exposed to the same conditions deal with them the sameway. That not all aspects of conduct are explained by the theory of anomie, and that rates ofconduct vary under the same circumstances suggest that attention must be paid to the mechanisms(Merton, 1949) by which social conditions influence conduct. This is to explain why,given common circumstances, some engage in certain patterns of action whereas others donot. These mechanisms, he believed, can be found in patterns of interaction (though not onlythere) revealed in appropriate descriptions of social phenomena. He followed a similar line ofanalysis in "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality" (1940) to explain the structural origins ofbureaucratic overconformity, a type of deviance.Merton's essays of the 1930s and 1940s developed a theoretical position that drew onand elaborated on Durkheim's treatment of how social structure and individual conduct wereconnected. The arguments built theoretical principles from illustrations and from the clarificationof concepts. In later work, inspired by the depiction of World War 11 military life found inThe American Soldier (Stouffer, Lunsdaine, et al., 1949a; Stouffer, Suchman, deVinney, Star,& Williams, 1949b), he pursued this problem area with greater reliance on quantitative analysisthan in the past. The landmark publication illustrating this was the essay, "Contributions tothe Theory of Reference Group Behavior" (Merton & Kitt, 1950). One of its tasks was todevelop propositions that subsumed ostensibly disparate findings in The American Soldier, atreasury of survey evidence on soldiers' beliefs, attitudes, assessments of circumstances, definitionof situations, complaints, and satisfactions related to their structural locations in bothcivilian and in military life. These locations were defined by opportunities and by constraintsinfluencing how soldiers tried to achieve culturally emphasized goals using institutionalizedmeans (Merton, 1959; 1964 p. 216; Stinchcombe, 1990).Although Merton and Kitt (1950) devoted much of the text to this task, they also dwelt onhow to characterize such elements of social structure as opportunities for promotion in differentbranches of the Army (p. 53), group contexts defined by aggregating individual characteristics(p. 71), the "open or closed character of the social structure" (p. 89), and social aggregatesdefined as actual groups or as categories.
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Efek struktural dalam Pendidikan 111
dinilai di atasnya di "kesinambungan dalam Teori Struktur Sosial dan Anomie" dan memodifikasi
definisi struktur sosial. 1938 Definisi "struktur budaya" tetap sama,
tetapi dengan 1957 struktur sosial disebut "yang terorganisir set hubungan sosial di mana
anggota masyarakat atau kelompok yang berbeda-beda terlibat "(p 162;. miring saya). Revisi ini
tidak menggantikan definisi sebelumnya struktur sosial sebagai alat melegitimasi, melainkan mengambil
akun situasi individu karena mereka bertindak. Struktur sosial terdiri dari posisi dan
status yang terbatas atau memungkinkan tindakan budaya ditentukan dari individu-individu yang menduduki
mereka (hal. 162). Formulasi ini situasi struktural yang diidentifikasi keadaan (kemudian diuraikan
sebagai "struktur kesempatan", Merton, 1959, 1995; Stinchcombe, 1990) berbasis, misalnya,
status atau kelas (meskipun tidak terbatas pada mereka), yang mempengaruhi kemungkinan bahwa individu
perilaku akan menggunakan cara-cara yang dilembagakan.
Merton menganjurkan penjelasan rinci tentang perilaku sosial. Membahas Cohen Bermasalah
Boys (1955), misalnya, ia melihat penggambaran hati-hati karakter nonutilitarian
perilaku nakal diabaikan oleh penulis sebelumnya pada topik dan tidak ditangani
dengan teori anomie. Untuk menjelaskan perilaku nakal,
salah satu mungkin harus melihat ke interaksi sosial di antara menyimpang seperti hati yang saling
memperkuat sikap menyimpang dan perilaku yang, dalam teori, hasil dari kurang lebih
umum situasi [dari ujung terputus-putus dan berarti] di mana mereka menemukan diri mereka. (Merton, 1957a,
hlm. 178-9)
Dia mempertahankan bahwa tidak semua individu yang terpapar kondisi yang sama kesepakatan dengan mereka sama
cara. Bahwa tidak semua aspek perilaku yang dijelaskan oleh teori anomie, dan bahwa tingkat
perilaku bervariasi dalam situasi yang sama menunjukkan bahwa perhatian harus dibayarkan kepada mekanisme
(Merton, 1949) dimana kondisi sosial mempengaruhi perilaku. Hal ini menjelaskan mengapa,
mengingat keadaan umum, beberapa terlibat dalam pola-pola tertentu tindakan sementara yang lainnya
tidak. Mekanisme ini, ia yakin, dapat ditemukan dalam pola interaksi (meskipun tidak hanya
ada) terungkap dalam deskripsi yang tepat dari fenomena sosial. Dia mengikuti garis yang sama dari
analisis "Struktur Birokrasi dan Kepribadian" (1940) untuk menjelaskan asal-usul struktural
overconformity birokrasi, jenis penyimpangan.
esai Merton tahun 1930-an dan 1940-an mengembangkan posisi teoritis yang menarik pada
dan diuraikan pengobatan Durkheim bagaimana struktur dan perilaku individu sosial
terhubung. Argumen yang dibangun prinsip-prinsip teoritis dari ilustrasi dan dari klarifikasi
konsep. Dalam bekerja nanti, terinspirasi oleh penggambaran Perang Dunia 11 kehidupan militer yang ditemukan di
The Soldier Amerika (Stouffer, Lunsdaine, et al, 1949a;. Stouffer, Suchman, DEVINNEY, Star,
& Williams, 1949b), ia mengejar bidang masalah ini dengan lebih mengandalkan analisis kuantitatif
daripada di masa lalu. Publikasi landmark menggambarkan ini adalah esai, "Kontribusi ke
Teori Perilaku Reference Group "(Merton & Kitt, 1950). Salah satu tugasnya adalah untuk
mengembangkan proposisi yang dimasukkan temuan seolah-olah berbeda di The Soldier Amerika, sebuah
treasury bukti survei keyakinan tentara ', sikap, penilaian situasi, definisi
situasi, keluhan, dan kepuasan yang berkaitan dengan lokasi struktural mereka di kedua
sipil dan dalam kehidupan militer. Lokasi ini didefinisikan oleh peluang dan oleh kendala
yang mempengaruhi bagaimana tentara mencoba untuk mencapai tujuan budaya menekankan menggunakan dilembagakan
berarti (Merton, 1959; 1964 p 216;. Stinchcombe, 1990).
Meskipun Merton dan Kitt (1950) mengabdikan sebagian besar teks untuk ini tugas, mereka juga tinggal pada
bagaimana ciri elemen seperti struktur sosial sebagai kesempatan untuk promosi di berbagai
cabang Angkatan Darat (hlm. 53), konteks kelompok yang didefinisikan dengan menggabungkan karakteristik individu
(hal. 71), "karakter terbuka atau tertutup struktur sosial "(hal. 89), dan agregat sosial
didefinisikan sebagai kelompok yang sebenarnya atau sebagai kategori.


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