After a long scholarly debate, hist

After a long scholarly debate, historians now agree that Western civilization had no single pattern of family structure, but a variety of arrangements. The most common pattern was not a large family, across more than two generations, living together; instead, the most frequent arrangement was the nuclear family in which parents and their children lived together (see illustration 18.5). Extended families, characterized by coresidence with grandparents or other kin—known by many names, such as the Ganze Hauz in German tradition or the zadruga in eastern Europe—were atypical. A study of British families has found that 70 percent were comprised of two generations, 24 percent were single generation families, and only 6 percent fit the extended family pattern. Studies of southern and eastern Europe have found more complex, extended families. In Russia, 60 percent of peasant families fit this multigenerational pattern; in parts of Italy, 74 percent.

Family size also varied widely. Everywhere except France (where smaller families first became the norm), the average number of children born per family usually ranged between five and seven. Yet such averages hide many large families. For example, Brissot de Warville, a leader of the French Revolution, was born to a family of innkeepers who had seventeen children, seven of whom survived infancy; Mayer and Gutele Rothschild, whose sons created the House of Rothschild banks, had twenty children, ten of whom survived. The founder of Methodism, John Wesley, was the fifteenth of nineteen children. Households might also contain other people, such as servants, apprentices, and lodgers. Studies of eighteenth century families in different regions have found a range between 13 percent and 50 percent of them containing servants. A survey of London in the 1690s estimated that 20 percent of the population lodged with nonrelatives.

One of the foremost characteristics of the early modern family was patriarchal authority. This trait was diminishing somewhat in western Europe in the eighteenth century, but it remained strong. A father exercised authority over the children; a husband exercised authority over his wife. A woman vowed to obey her husband in the wedding ceremony, following the Christian tradition based on the words of Saint Paul: “Wives, submit yourself unto your own husbands, as unto the Lord.” The idea of masculine authority in marriage was deeply imbedded in popular culture. As a character in a play by Henry Fielding says to his wife, “Your person is mine. I bought it lawfully in church.” The civil law in most countries enforced such patriarchy. In the greatest summary of English law, Sir William Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Law of England (1765–69), this was stated
bluntly: “The husband and wife are one, and the husband is that one.” A compilation of Prussian law under Frederick the Great, the Frederician Code of 1750, was similar: “The husband is master of his own household, and head of his family. And as the wife enters into it of her own accord, she is in some measure subject to his power” (see document 18.3).

Few ways of dissolving a marriage existed in the eighteenth century. In Catholic countries, the church considered marriage a sacrament and neither civil marriage by the state nor legal divorce existed. The church permitted a few annulments, exclusively for the upper classes. Protestant countries accepted the principle of





divorce on the grounds of adultery or desertion, but divorces remained rare, even when legalized. Geneva, the home of Calvinism, recorded an average of one divorce per year during the eighteenth century. Divorce became possible in Britain in the late seventeenth century, but it required an individual act of parliament for each divorce. Between 1670 and 1750, a total of 17 parliamentary divorces were granted in Britain, although the number rose to 114 between 1750 and 1799. Almost all divorces were granted to men of prominent social position who wished to marry again, normally to produce heirs.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Setelah perdebatan panjang ilmiah, sejarawan sekarang setuju bahwa peradaban Barat memiliki satu pola struktur keluarga, tetapi berbagai pengaturan. Pola yang paling umum adalah tidak keluarga besar, di lebih dari dua generasi, tinggal bersama-sama; Sebaliknya, pengaturan paling sering adalah keluarga nuklir di mana orang tua dan anak-anak mereka tinggal bersama-sama (Lihat ilustrasi 18,5). Keluarga, ditandai dengan coresidence dengan kakek-nenek atau kerabat lain — dikenal dengan banyak nama, seperti Ganze Hauz dalam tradisi Jerman atau zadruga di Eropa Timur — yang atipikal. Sebuah studi dari Britania keluarga telah menemukan bahwa 70 persen yang terdiri dari dua generasi, 24 persen keluarga satu generasi, dan hanya 6 persen cocok pola keluarga. Studi Eropa Selatan dan Timur telah menemukan lebih kompleks, keluarga. Di Rusia, 60 persen dari keluarga petani sesuai pola ini multigenerational; di bagian Italia, 74 persen.Family size also varied widely. Everywhere except France (where smaller families first became the norm), the average number of children born per family usually ranged between five and seven. Yet such averages hide many large families. For example, Brissot de Warville, a leader of the French Revolution, was born to a family of innkeepers who had seventeen children, seven of whom survived infancy; Mayer and Gutele Rothschild, whose sons created the House of Rothschild banks, had twenty children, ten of whom survived. The founder of Methodism, John Wesley, was the fifteenth of nineteen children. Households might also contain other people, such as servants, apprentices, and lodgers. Studies of eighteenth century families in different regions have found a range between 13 percent and 50 percent of them containing servants. A survey of London in the 1690s estimated that 20 percent of the population lodged with nonrelatives.One of the foremost characteristics of the early modern family was patriarchal authority. This trait was diminishing somewhat in western Europe in the eighteenth century, but it remained strong. A father exercised authority over the children; a husband exercised authority over his wife. A woman vowed to obey her husband in the wedding ceremony, following the Christian tradition based on the words of Saint Paul: “Wives, submit yourself unto your own husbands, as unto the Lord.” The idea of masculine authority in marriage was deeply imbedded in popular culture. As a character in a play by Henry Fielding says to his wife, “Your person is mine. I bought it lawfully in church.” The civil law in most countries enforced such patriarchy. In the greatest summary of English law, Sir William Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Law of England (1765–69), this was stated bluntly: “The husband and wife are one, and the husband is that one.” A compilation of Prussian law under Frederick the Great, the Frederician Code of 1750, was similar: “The husband is master of his own household, and head of his family. And as the wife enters into it of her own accord, she is in some measure subject to his power” (see document 18.3).Few ways of dissolving a marriage existed in the eighteenth century. In Catholic countries, the church considered marriage a sacrament and neither civil marriage by the state nor legal divorce existed. The church permitted a few annulments, exclusively for the upper classes. Protestant countries accepted the principle of divorce on the grounds of adultery or desertion, but divorces remained rare, even when legalized. Geneva, the home of Calvinism, recorded an average of one divorce per year during the eighteenth century. Divorce became possible in Britain in the late seventeenth century, but it required an individual act of parliament for each divorce. Between 1670 and 1750, a total of 17 parliamentary divorces were granted in Britain, although the number rose to 114 between 1750 and 1799. Almost all divorces were granted to men of prominent social position who wished to marry again, normally to produce heirs.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

Setelah perdebatan ilmiah panjang, sejarawan sekarang setuju bahwa peradaban Barat tidak memiliki pola tunggal struktur keluarga, tetapi berbagai pengaturan. Pola yang paling umum adalah tidak keluarga besar, di lebih dari dua generasi, hidup bersama; sebagai gantinya, susunan paling sering adalah keluarga inti di mana orang tua dan anak-anak mereka hidup bersama (lihat ilustrasi 18,5). Diperpanjang keluarga, ditandai dengan coresidence dengan kakek-nenek atau kerabat terkenal lainnya dengan banyak nama, seperti Ganze Hauz di Jerman tradisi atau Zadruga di Eropa Timur-yang atipikal. Sebuah studi dari keluarga Inggris telah menemukan bahwa 70 persen terdiri dari dua generasi, 24 persen adalah keluarga generasi tunggal, dan hanya 6 persen sesuai dengan pola keluarga. Studi dari selatan dan timur Eropa telah menemukan lebih kompleks, keluarga besar. Di Rusia, 60 persen keluarga petani sesuai dengan pola multigenerasi ini; di bagian Italia, 74 persen. Ukuran Keluarga juga bervariasi. Di mana-mana kecuali Perancis (di mana keluarga yang lebih kecil pertama menjadi norma), rata-rata jumlah anak yang dilahirkan per keluarga biasanya berkisar antara lima dan tujuh. Namun rata-rata seperti menyembunyikan banyak keluarga besar. Misalnya, Brissot de Warville, seorang pemimpin Revolusi Perancis, lahir dari keluarga penginapan yang memiliki tujuh belas anak-anak, tujuh di antaranya selamat bayi; Mayer dan Gutele Rothschild, yang anak-anak menciptakan House of bank Rothschild, memiliki dua puluh anak-anak, sepuluh di antaranya selamat. Pendiri Methodis, John Wesley, adalah lima belas sembilan belas anak-anak. Rumah tangga mungkin juga mengandung orang lain, seperti pembantu, magang, dan tumpangan. Studi dari keluarga abad kedelapan belas di berbagai daerah telah menemukan kisaran antara 13 persen dan 50 persen dari mereka yang mengandung pegawai. Sebuah survei dari London di 1690s memperkirakan bahwa 20 persen dari populasi diajukan nonrelatives. Salah satu karakteristik utama dari keluarga modern awal adalah otoritas patriarkal. Sifat ini telah berkurang agak di Eropa Barat pada abad kedelapan belas, tapi tetap kuat. Seorang ayah menjalankan otoritas atas anak-anak; suami menjalankan otoritas atas istrinya. Seorang wanita bersumpah untuk mematuhi suaminya di upacara pernikahan, mengikuti tradisi Kristen berdasarkan kata-kata dari Saint Paul: ". Istri, menyerahkan diri kepada suami Anda sendiri, seperti untuk Tuhan" Ide otoritas maskulin dalam pernikahan itu sangat tertanam dalam budaya populer. Sebagai karakter dalam bermain oleh Henry Fielding mengatakan kepada istrinya, "orang Anda adalah milikku. Saya membelinya secara sah di gereja. "Hukum sipil di sebagian besar negara ditegakkan patriarki tersebut. Dalam ringkasan terbesar hukum Inggris, Sir William Blackstone Komentar tentang Hukum Inggris (1765-1769), ini dinyatakan terus terang: "Suami dan istri adalah satu, dan suami adalah yang satu." Sebuah kompilasi hukum Prusia di bawah Frederick Agung, Kode Frederician 1750, adalah serupa: "suami adalah tuan rumah sendiri, dan kepala keluarganya. Dan sebagai istri masuk ke dalamnya atas kemauan sendiri, dia di beberapa subjek ukuran kekuasaannya "(lihat dokumen 18,3). Beberapa cara melarutkan pernikahan ada di abad kedelapan belas. Di negara-negara Katolik, gereja dianggap perkawinan sakramen dan tidak pernikahan sipil oleh negara atau perceraian hukum ada. Gereja diizinkan beberapa annulments, khusus untuk kelas atas. Negara Protestan menerima prinsip perceraian dengan alasan perzinahan atau desersi, tapi perceraian tetap langka, bahkan ketika disahkan. Jenewa, rumah Calvinisme, mencatat rata-rata satu perceraian per tahun selama abad kedelapan belas. Perceraian menjadi mungkin di Inggris pada akhir abad ketujuh belas, tetapi diperlukan suatu tindakan individu parlemen untuk setiap perceraian. Antara 1670 dan 1750, total 17 perceraian parlemen diberikan di Inggris, walaupun jumlahnya naik menjadi 114 antara tahun 1750 dan 1799. Hampir semua perceraian diberikan kepada orang-orang posisi sosial terkemuka yang ingin menikah lagi, biasanya untuk menghasilkan ahli waris.