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PENDIDIKAN DAN BEKERJA KEHIDUPANDi kebanyakan negara-negara anggota OECD perubahan signifikan dalam cara orang muda memasuki kehidupan kerja telah terjadi dalam beberapa tahun terakhir. Manifestasi paling serius dan terlihat situasi berubah ini adalah peningkatan pengangguran di kalangan remaja. Peo¬ple muda telah mengalami peningkatan kesulitan dalam mencari pekerjaan yang stabil dan beresiko menjadi sektor marjinal penduduk. Situasi ini telah dipicu oleh krisis ekonomi saat ini dan jatuh kebutuhan tenaga kerja; Hal ini juga karena perubahan-perubahan struktural dalam pasar tenaga kerja dan sistem pendidikan dan pekerjaan. Di atas kuantitatif ketidakseimbangan antara buruh permintaan dan terdapat ketidakseimbangan kualitatif yang disebabkan oleh kenaikan tingkat pendidikan dan simultan perubahan dalam struktur kerja kualifikasi. Perubahan ini harus con¬sidered dalam terang struktural adaptasi terhadap ekonomi dunia yang negara-negara anggota yang berusaha untuk memperkenalkan di sektor produksi dan asing dan dengan demikian dalam pendidikan dan pekerjaan. Hubungan antara pendidikan dan pekerjaan sangat kompleks dan dalam bab ini diskusi akan terbatas hanya untuk tren lebih penting.ARUS KELUAR DARI SISTEM PENDIDIKANThe total number of pupils leaving the education system' has increased in recent years owing to demographic changes (partly compensated for by the rise in school enrolment rates over the age of 16). This is the case, for example, in the Netherlands and in France (up to 1974) or in the United Kingdom (after the temporary reduction in the number of school leavers due to the prolongation of compulsory schooling in 1973) (Table 52). In some countries (e.g. United Kingdom in 1976) high unemploy-ment encouraged young people to prolong their studies. Such delayed departure can only be a temporary phenomenon. The demographic trend shows that if departures are evenly spaced their numbers will continue to grow or stabilise at a high level up to 1985. Beyond that date they will be affected by the drop in the birth-rate since 1964 which will reduce the pressure of supply.The distribution of these departures according to educational (and/or qualifica-tion) levels shows the very clear rise in these levels over the last few years (Tables 53. 54, 55 and 58). In the Netherlands, for example, the proportion of leavers from higher.education rose from 20,to 36 per cent (men) and from 9 to 14 per cent (women) be-tween 1971 and 1975. In France there was a big increase in the number of students obtaining technical qualifications. This development has modified the educational structure of the total working population of Member countries'. In the United States (Table 56) the average number of years of study carried out by people aged 25 and over rose by three years between 1950 and 1973. The proportion of those with more than 12 years of education went from 33.4 to 62.5 per cent. These trends, the effects of which will be discussed below, should continue and take on an irreversible character as shown by the projections carried out in some Member countries (Tables 56-57). In Sweden, for example, according to forecasts based on the 1970 census the proportion of the working population that has received eight years or less of education will drop from 46 per cent to 10 per cent by the year 2000. The number of graduates will go up from 7 to 18/ 19 per cent, with the percentage being higher for women than men. In the United States the percentage of the active population with higher education qualifications is expected to increase to 40 by 1990 compared with 27 per cent in 1970-72. In the United Kingdom the number of university graduates will have doubled between 1966 and 1981'. In Canada the percentage of the work force that had attended a post-secondary institution rose from 18 per cent to 30 per cent between 1961 and 1977; towards 1985 it is anticipated that this percentage will rise to be¬tween 36 per cent and 40 per cent°.THE TRANSITION FROM SCHOOL TO WORKING LIFEThe transition processes between the education system and working life are beginning to be analysed with some precision in several Member countries (Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Sweden) despite the complexity of the factors involved and their sensitivity to fluctuations in employment.i). The labour force participation rate of young people aged 16-19 sharply declined during the sixties. Since 1970 this decline has slowed down and the percentage is tending to stabilise or even to go up in some countries (United States, Canada, Sweden and Norway). The participation rate of the age group 20-24 in the labour force has evolved in a similar fashion. During re¬cent years there has been a stabilisation or even an increase in the level of labour force activity for both sexes but above all for women (Austria, Denmark, Italy, Norway and Sweden). Nevertheless, forecasts for 1980¬85-90 assume the stabilisation of these rates'.ii). Young people who leave school at the end of compulsory schooling or who interrupt their secondary studies without having obtained an occupational qualification face the greatest difficulty in finding a job and are most liable to remain unemployed for longer durations. Yet enquiries show that their main motive for terminating their studies, apart from boredom with school, is to get a job and start earning, In general, the percentages of unemploy¬ment among the age group 16-19 is two to three times higher than the national averages. These percentages, which were stable and very low in the sixties, have greatly increased in the seventies, especially since 1974. It is true, of course, that youth unemployment is of shorter duration than that of adults, although continued recession has led to an increase in the average duration of unemployment. It is also true that when they do find a job, the young are likely to keep it for a shorter period than adults due to differential turnover rates. Examination of the rate of unemployment according to the level of educational attainment or qualifications reveals that—except in Italy and Britain—the unemployment rate among young people with the least education is much higher than the average youth unemployment rate: twice as much in Canada and the United States, 1.2 times more in Finland and France'. The jobs they obtain are mostly un¬skilled. In the United States (1971) for example, among high school drop¬outs, 60 per cent of boys worked as " operatives" or " labourers" and 50 per cent of girls had jobs as " operatives" or service workers'.iii) Young people who leave the school system with a secondary certificate, particularly with a technical or vocational certificate (or one likely to facilitate the acquisition of a professional qualification) are much less vulnerable to unemployment or job instability. Their unemployment level is either lower (Finland, Sweden, United Kingdom. France), or close to the average youth unemployment rate (Canada, United States)'. In Italy it is very much higher, in the United States, for example, these young people are mostly employed as skilled workers or office workers (women)'. In France (1969-73) holders of technical education certificates quickly found jobs and the link between training and first job could be considered relatively satisfactory".iv) Graduates from higher education are confronted with new problems affecting employment prospects for highly qualified Jobs. In most cases, ex¬cept perhaps in Italy, v these people have beer. less subject to unemployment, but a growing number of them seem to be faced with " de-skilling" (see Table 44). The study of United States graduates already quoted shows that in 1971 almost 40 per cent of them had first jobs at a middle or lower level". In Canada" equivalent jobs"— fi lied in 1973 by 81 per cent of un¬der 30-year-old graduates— increased by 5 per cent per year between 1966 and 1977 while the number of graduates entering the labour market grew by 12 per cent per year. The rate for "equivalent jobs" fell to 3.5 per cent in 1976 and 2.2 per cent in 1977 for a 4 per cent increase in gra¬duates those two years". Until recently these graduates europe at least— went essentially into public sector jobs. In West Germany, for in¬stance, two-thirds of students who graduated between 1961 and 1970obtained their first job in the public sector (half of them in education)". In France, in 1973, this was the case for 70-80 per cent of science and arts 'graduates, who virtually all went to work either in education or in research". In the United Kingdom 23 per cent of university graduates in 1970 found their first employment in the civil service and 38 per cent in teaching (compared with 21 per cent and 13 per cent respectively in the case of the same years polytechnic graduates'5. This trend is also noticeable in Sweden", but since 1972— following the reduction of the number of teacher posts— there has been a change, particularly among women, towards office jobs raditionally carried out by secondary school leavers. Nevertheless, up to the present time those with post-secondary qual¬ifications have been less exposed to unemployment than other groups of young people", even if finding initial employment has become more difficult. Possession of a university degree is no longer a guarantee of stable and well-paid employment. However, in a few countries (e.g. Switzerland) the proportion of high-level jobs filled by graduates is at present relatively low (26%); but if the slow increase by 2.5 per cent forecast for 1985 isrealised there should be enough of such jobs to maintain the chances of employment and promotion of new graduates and avoid undue competition between graduates and those without degrees".
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