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This approach to ‘methods’ was the subject of considerable revision in the 1980s, which witnessed the publication of a range of volumes focusing upon qualitative research. These included general texts (Burgess 1984a, Hammersley and Atkinson 1983) as well as more specialist volumes that took up aspects of qualitative research such as policy (Finch 1986), writing (Atkinson 1990), ethics (Burgess 1989), and reading and evaluating texts (Hammersley 1991). While many of these books focused upon major elements of research, there was little emphasis given to data analysis and only Miles and Huberman (1984) devoted a whole volume to this topic; in it principles of data analysis were discussed, although not in relation to research studies that had been conducted recently. However, one important aspect of research that was revealed in these texts was a shift from ‘methods’ and ‘stages’ of social research to a discussion of methodology in terms of a research process.
These trends in research and writing were also reflected in texts recommended on undergraduate courses concerned with social research. In the academic year 1990–1, Jon Gubbay conducted a project on the teaching of undergraduate sociology which included a special study of research methods teaching. By examining lists of recommended texts on sixty-eight ‘research methods’ courses, he found that the ‘top seven’ volumes included three books concerned with qualitative research: Burgess’s In the Field (1984a), Hammersley and Atkinson’s Ethnography: Principles in Practice (1983) and Burgess’s Field Research: a Sourcebook and Field Manual (1982). However, it is interesting to note that the most frequently used volume was De Vaus’s book on survey research (1991), alongside a wide range of volumes on quantitative and qualitative methodology.1 Such a range of volumes indicated an emphasis on the practice of social research and a welcome attempt to teach quantitative and qualitative research.
Many of the volumes on qualitative research emphasized the research process and demonstrated that qualitative research cannot be reduced to particular techniques nor to set stages, but rather that a dynamic process is involved which links together problems, theories and methods. Here, the focus is upon the links between research design, research strategy and research techniques as well as the relationship between aspects of research design, data collection and data analysis. The importance of this approach to social research had been well summarized by Bechhofer when he stated:
The research process, then, is not a clear cut sequence of procedures following a neat pattern, but a messy interaction between the conceptual and empirical world, deduction and induction occurring at the same time. (1974:73)
Here, the difficulties involved in doing research and writing about it are vividly portrayed through the use of the word ‘messy’. Indeed, research seldom involves the use of a straightforward set of procedures. Instead, the researcher has to move backwards and forwards between different sequences in the research process. For example, in designing a project, consideration needs to be given to the end-point and the concepts and theories that will be used in data analysis. Similarly, in terms of data collection, reference has to be made to the comparisons and contrasts that may be uncovered during a project. On this basis, there is not a sharp divide between different aspects of the research process in practice. Accordingly, while the contributors to this volume seek to examine critically the way in which qualitative data analysis is handled in practice, it is evident that they need to move between other aspects of the research process and qualitative data analysis, while keeping the latter as the central theme. However, before turning to some accounts of this process we need to look at some of the procedures that are advocated by those methodologists who have chosen to write about this aspect of doing research.

COLLABORATIVE ANALYSIS CONTINUED: THE NON-HMO SAMPLE
Slowly, much more slowly than we would have liked, the non-HMO interviews trickled in. To speed up the flow we inserted new advertisements for more respondents, renewed our efforts to be sure each contact generated an interview and urged our interviewers to move expeditiously on appointments for interviews. Because qualitative analysis encourages working back and forth between newly received and previously analyzed data, we began to analyze the non-HMO data as they came in, even as we were completing the HMO report for our sponsors. Our manoeuvres were a general review of all non- HMO interviews, further analysis by questions, an attempt to break a stalemate, cluster analysis of dimensions and final comparisons. Here are the details on these steps:

General review
As they flowed in, we each read all available non-HMO interviews to see what, if any, general differences we could discern between the HMO and non- HMO samples on various dimensions and schemas generated earlier. Though few differences could be detected at first, some hints began to emerge, as reflected in this exchange among Chico, Droes and Olesen at a team meeting on 8 April 1985:
ND: I have a sense of a different flavor. I think we are talking about distinct groups of people. The use of alternative approaches in this group is more pronounced than in any so far.
NC: I wonder if that is tied in with the lack of insurance. Most of these non-HMOs don’t have any insurance.
VO: …people who would volunteer for this kind of study have an interest in self-care. Perhaps we’re tapping the residues of the 1960s health movement.
NC: A reflection of our sampling?
VO: I think these people are even more of what we saw in the HMO members: they are monitoring constantly and are constantly aware of their care strategies.
ND: Is the awareness there because it is money out of their pocket to seek care?
VO: Cost is not all of it. One of our non-insured respondents said she could afford to go to the doctor, but still didn’t do it…. I am now restating Nellie’s point, that there is this incredible sense of responsibility in monitoring ailments that derives from a fundamental sense of responsibility, but also from the economic thing.
Our initial conceptualization of responsibility would later alter drastically as our analysis delved further into the non-HMO members’ accounts to support or refute this finding. This is a good example of how themes or concepts which are viable at one point change when comparisons are made with later data. (See the following section, ‘Further analysis by questions’).
We then discussed at length the next analytic strategies to bring out these differences, questioning whether we should summarize by categories of respondents or by questions. We decided to cluster the questions as we had before, because the clusters provided points of comparison between the non- HMO and HMO member data. Each member read a cluster for the female non-HMO respondents, then compared those impressions with the co-ordinated summaries done for females on the same questions in the HMO analysis. This was later done for male respondents as well. Lest our efforts seem all too smooth, here is an extract from the notes of one team member who vividly described our anticipation and frustration as we began to work with the non- HMO data:
I always have this reaction when approaching data, how in hell are we going to make sense? How do we ever get to the place we were with the analysis of the HMO members? It’s always somewhat discouraging to approach the raw data initially.

At our 29 April meeting on this exercise we began to sharpen the comparisons between the HMO and non-HMO samples:
Comparing them (the non-HMO respondents) to the HMO members on the dimension of self-care and the efficacy of medical science, there is not a sense that they are like the HMOs. They still rely on self-care. However, their calculus of risk is not the same…. One does not get the sense of advantage of early intervention that one does with the HMO group …. Is this related to lack of insurance? We need to break the non-HMOs into groups of those with fee-for-service insurance and those without insurance and compare those groups.

Further analysis by questions
Acting on our hunch at the 29 April meeting that we needed to look more closely at the non-HMOs in terms of whether they did or did not have insurance, we again clustered the questions as we had done in the earlier analysis. Each team member read and analyzed all non-HMO interviews on a specific cluster of questions to see if there were differences on dimensions or utilization between the insured and non-insured non-HMO members and between non-HMO members and the HMOs. When we met on 5 June 1985
we could find no differences between the insured and non-insured within the non-HMO sample. (The question of how to characterize both types of non- HMO respondents with a single typology continued to occupy us into early 1986 and will be discussed in detail shortly.)
At the same time we were still working on comparing the HMOs and non- HMOs. In June we tentatively started to confirm some themes that seemed to differentiate the non-HMO from the HMO members:
ND: There is a sense that I did not get with the HMOs…. This use of alternatives. There is acupuncture, a hypnotherapist, a strong use of alternatives. I don’t get a sense of the linearity of self-care that leads in some cases to professional care.
VO: The linearity thing sounds real interesting…the non-HMOs have all systems going at once: acupuncture, Gold Seal (a kind of herbal therapy), mental therapy.
DH: Their self-care is not as systematic. It is fragmented.
While we struggled with these differentiations, we were also deeply involved in data analysis for two conceptual papers for presentation and publication to research audiences in social science and nursing: one on the
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Page 2

This approach to ‘methods’ was the subject of considerable revision in the 1980s, which witnessed the publication of a range of volumes focusing upon qualitative research. These included general texts (Burgess 1984a, Hammersley and Atkinson 1983) as well as more specialist volumes that took up aspects of qualitative research such as policy (Finch 1986), writing (Atkinson 1990), ethics (Burgess 1989), and reading and evaluating texts (Hammersley 1991). While many of these books focused upon major elements of research, there was little emphasis given to data analysis and only Miles and Huberman (1984) devoted a whole volume to this topic; in it principles of data analysis were discussed, although not in relation to research studies that had been conducted recently. However, one important aspect of research that was revealed in these texts was a shift from ‘methods’ and ‘stages’ of social research to a discussion of methodology in terms of a research process.
These trends in research and writing were also reflected in texts recommended on undergraduate courses concerned with social research. In the academic year 1990–1, Jon Gubbay conducted a project on the teaching of undergraduate sociology which included a special study of research methods teaching. By examining lists of recommended texts on sixty-eight ‘research methods’ courses, he found that the ‘top seven’ volumes included three books concerned with qualitative research: Burgess’s In the Field (1984a), Hammersley and Atkinson’s Ethnography: Principles in Practice (1983) and Burgess’s Field Research: a Sourcebook and Field Manual (1982). However, it is interesting to note that the most frequently used volume was De Vaus’s book on survey research (1991), alongside a wide range of volumes on quantitative and qualitative methodology.1 Such a range of volumes indicated an emphasis on the practice of social research and a welcome attempt to teach quantitative and qualitative research.
Many of the volumes on qualitative research emphasized the research process and demonstrated that qualitative research cannot be reduced to particular techniques nor to set stages, but rather that a dynamic process is involved which links together problems, theories and methods. Here, the focus is upon the links between research design, research strategy and research techniques as well as the relationship between aspects of research design, data collection and data analysis. The importance of this approach to social research had been well summarized by Bechhofer when he stated:
The research process, then, is not a clear cut sequence of procedures following a neat pattern, but a messy interaction between the conceptual and empirical world, deduction and induction occurring at the same time. (1974:73)
Here, the difficulties involved in doing research and writing about it are vividly portrayed through the use of the word ‘messy’. Indeed, research seldom involves the use of a straightforward set of procedures. Instead, the researcher has to move backwards and forwards between different sequences in the research process. For example, in designing a project, consideration needs to be given to the end-point and the concepts and theories that will be used in data analysis. Similarly, in terms of data collection, reference has to be made to the comparisons and contrasts that may be uncovered during a project. On this basis, there is not a sharp divide between different aspects of the research process in practice. Accordingly, while the contributors to this volume seek to examine critically the way in which qualitative data analysis is handled in practice, it is evident that they need to move between other aspects of the research process and qualitative data analysis, while keeping the latter as the central theme. However, before turning to some accounts of this process we need to look at some of the procedures that are advocated by those methodologists who have chosen to write about this aspect of doing research.

COLLABORATIVE ANALYSIS CONTINUED: THE NON-HMO SAMPLE
Slowly, much more slowly than we would have liked, the non-HMO interviews trickled in. To speed up the flow we inserted new advertisements for more respondents, renewed our efforts to be sure each contact generated an interview and urged our interviewers to move expeditiously on appointments for interviews. Because qualitative analysis encourages working back and forth between newly received and previously analyzed data, we began to analyze the non-HMO data as they came in, even as we were completing the HMO report for our sponsors. Our manoeuvres were a general review of all non- HMO interviews, further analysis by questions, an attempt to break a stalemate, cluster analysis of dimensions and final comparisons. Here are the details on these steps:

General review
As they flowed in, we each read all available non-HMO interviews to see what, if any, general differences we could discern between the HMO and non- HMO samples on various dimensions and schemas generated earlier. Though few differences could be detected at first, some hints began to emerge, as reflected in this exchange among Chico, Droes and Olesen at a team meeting on 8 April 1985:
ND: I have a sense of a different flavor. I think we are talking about distinct groups of people. The use of alternative approaches in this group is more pronounced than in any so far.
NC: I wonder if that is tied in with the lack of insurance. Most of these non-HMOs don’t have any insurance.
VO: …people who would volunteer for this kind of study have an interest in self-care. Perhaps we’re tapping the residues of the 1960s health movement.
NC: A reflection of our sampling?
VO: I think these people are even more of what we saw in the HMO members: they are monitoring constantly and are constantly aware of their care strategies.
ND: Is the awareness there because it is money out of their pocket to seek care?
VO: Cost is not all of it. One of our non-insured respondents said she could afford to go to the doctor, but still didn’t do it…. I am now restating Nellie’s point, that there is this incredible sense of responsibility in monitoring ailments that derives from a fundamental sense of responsibility, but also from the economic thing.
Our initial conceptualization of responsibility would later alter drastically as our analysis delved further into the non-HMO members’ accounts to support or refute this finding. This is a good example of how themes or concepts which are viable at one point change when comparisons are made with later data. (See the following section, ‘Further analysis by questions’).
We then discussed at length the next analytic strategies to bring out these differences, questioning whether we should summarize by categories of respondents or by questions. We decided to cluster the questions as we had before, because the clusters provided points of comparison between the non- HMO and HMO member data. Each member read a cluster for the female non-HMO respondents, then compared those impressions with the co-ordinated summaries done for females on the same questions in the HMO analysis. This was later done for male respondents as well. Lest our efforts seem all too smooth, here is an extract from the notes of one team member who vividly described our anticipation and frustration as we began to work with the non- HMO data:
I always have this reaction when approaching data, how in hell are we going to make sense? How do we ever get to the place we were with the analysis of the HMO members? It’s always somewhat discouraging to approach the raw data initially.

At our 29 April meeting on this exercise we began to sharpen the comparisons between the HMO and non-HMO samples:
Comparing them (the non-HMO respondents) to the HMO members on the dimension of self-care and the efficacy of medical science, there is not a sense that they are like the HMOs. They still rely on self-care. However, their calculus of risk is not the same…. One does not get the sense of advantage of early intervention that one does with the HMO group …. Is this related to lack of insurance? We need to break the non-HMOs into groups of those with fee-for-service insurance and those without insurance and compare those groups.

Further analysis by questions
Acting on our hunch at the 29 April meeting that we needed to look more closely at the non-HMOs in terms of whether they did or did not have insurance, we again clustered the questions as we had done in the earlier analysis. Each team member read and analyzed all non-HMO interviews on a specific cluster of questions to see if there were differences on dimensions or utilization between the insured and non-insured non-HMO members and between non-HMO members and the HMOs. When we met on 5 June 1985
we could find no differences between the insured and non-insured within the non-HMO sample. (The question of how to characterize both types of non- HMO respondents with a single typology continued to occupy us into early 1986 and will be discussed in detail shortly.)
At the same time we were still working on comparing the HMOs and non- HMOs. In June we tentatively started to confirm some themes that seemed to differentiate the non-HMO from the HMO members:
ND: There is a sense that I did not get with the HMOs…. This use of alternatives. There is acupuncture, a hypnotherapist, a strong use of alternatives. I don’t get a sense of the linearity of self-care that leads in some cases to professional care.
VO: The linearity thing sounds real interesting…the non-HMOs have all systems going at once: acupuncture, Gold Seal (a kind of herbal therapy), mental therapy.
DH: Their self-care is not as systematic. It is fragmented.
While we struggled with these differentiations, we were also deeply involved in data analysis for two conceptual papers for presentation and publication to research audiences in social science and nursing: one on the
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Halaman 2 Pendekatan untuk 'metode' adalah subyek revisi yang cukup besar dalam tahun 1980-an, yang menyaksikan terbitnya berbagai volume berfokus pada penelitian kualitatif. Ini termasuk teks umum (Burgess 1984a, Hammersley dan Atkinson 1983) serta volume spesialis lagi yang mengambil aspek penelitian kualitatif seperti kebijakan (Finch 1986), menulis (Atkinson 1990), etika (Burgess 1989), dan membaca dan mengevaluasi teks (Hammersley 1991). Sementara banyak dari buku-buku ini berfokus pada unsur-unsur utama dari penelitian, ada sedikit penekanan yang diberikan kepada analisis data dan hanya Miles dan Huberman (1984) mencurahkan seluruh volume untuk topik ini; di dalamnya prinsip-prinsip analisis data dibahas, meskipun tidak dalam kaitannya dengan penelitian penelitian yang telah dilakukan baru-baru ini. Namun, salah satu aspek penting dari penelitian yang terungkap dalam teks-teks tersebut adalah pergeseran dari 'metode' dan 'tahap' penelitian sosial untuk diskusi tentang metodologi dalam hal proses penelitian. Tren ini dalam penelitian dan penulisan juga tercermin dalam teks-teks direkomendasikan pada sarjana yang bersangkutan dengan penelitian sosial. Pada tahun akademik 1990-1, Jon Gubbay melakukan proyek pada pengajaran sosiologi sarjana yang termasuk studi khusus metode penelitian pengajaran. Dengan memeriksa daftar teks yang direkomendasikan pada kursus enam puluh delapan 'metode penelitian, ia menemukan bahwa' tujuh puncak 'volume termasuk tiga buku yang bersangkutan dengan penelitian kualitatif: Burgess Dalam Bidang (1984a), Hammersley dan Atkinson Etnografi: Prinsip dalam Praktek ( 1983) dan Burgess Lapangan Penelitian: a Sourcebook dan Pedoman Lapangan (1982). Namun, menarik untuk dicatat bahwa volume paling sering digunakan adalah buku De Vaus pada penelitian survei (1991), di samping berbagai volume pada methodology.1 kuantitatif dan kualitatif seperti berbagai volume mengindikasikan penekanan pada praktek sosial penelitian dan upaya dipersilahkan untuk mengajar penelitian kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Banyak volume pada penelitian kualitatif menekankan proses penelitian dan menunjukkan bahwa penelitian kualitatif tidak dapat dikurangi dengan teknik tertentu atau untuk mengatur tahapan, melainkan bahwa proses dinamis yang terlibat yang menghubungkan bersama-sama masalah, teori dan metode. Di sini, fokusnya adalah pada hubungan antara desain penelitian, strategi penelitian dan teknik penelitian serta hubungan antara aspek desain penelitian, pengumpulan data dan analisis data. Pentingnya pendekatan ini untuk penelitian sosial telah dengan baik diringkas oleh Bechhofer ketika ia menyatakan: Proses penelitian, maka, bukan urutan yang jelas dipotong prosedur mengikuti pola yang rapi, tapi interaksi berantakan antara dunia konseptual dan empiris, deduksi dan induksi yang terjadi pada waktu yang sama. (1974: 73) Di sini, kesulitan yang terlibat dalam melakukan penelitian dan menulis tentang hal itu secara jelas digambarkan melalui penggunaan kata 'berantakan'. Memang, penelitian jarang melibatkan penggunaan satu set langsung prosedur. Sebaliknya, peneliti harus bergerak maju dan mundur antara urutan yang berbeda dalam proses penelitian. Sebagai contoh, dalam merancang sebuah proyek, pertimbangan perlu diberikan kepada end-point dan konsep dan teori-teori yang akan digunakan dalam analisis data. Demikian pula, dalam hal pengumpulan data, referensi harus dibuat dengan perbandingan dan kontras yang mungkin ditemukan selama proyek. Atas dasar ini, tidak ada kesenjangan yang tajam antara aspek yang berbeda dari proses penelitian dalam praktek. Dengan demikian, sedangkan penyumbang buku ini berusaha untuk meneliti secara kritis cara di mana analisis data kualitatif ditangani dalam praktek, jelas bahwa mereka perlu untuk bergerak di antara aspek-aspek lain dari proses penelitian dan analisis data kualitatif, sekaligus mempertahankan kedua sebagai tema sentral. Namun, sebelum beralih ke beberapa rekening dari proses ini kita perlu melihat beberapa prosedur yang dianjurkan oleh para ahli metodologi yang telah memilih untuk menulis tentang aspek melakukan penelitian. ANALISIS LANJUTAN KOLABORASI: THE NON-HMO CONTOH Perlahan-lahan, jauh lebih lambat dari kita akan menyukai, wawancara non-HMO menetes di. Untuk mempercepat aliran kita dimasukkan iklan baru untuk lebih banyak responden, memperbarui upaya kami untuk memastikan setiap kontak yang dihasilkan wawancara dan mendesak pewawancara kita untuk bergerak secara cepat pada janji untuk wawancara . Karena analisis kualitatif mendorong bekerja bolak-balik antara data yang baru diterima dan dianalisis sebelumnya, kita mulai menganalisis data non-HMO karena mereka datang, bahkan ketika kami menyelesaikan laporan HMO untuk sponsor kami. Manuver kami adalah tinjauan umum dari semua wawancara HMO non, analisis lebih lanjut oleh pertanyaan, upaya untuk memecahkan jalan buntu, analisis cluster dimensi dan perbandingan akhir. Berikut adalah rincian tentang langkah-langkah: tinjauan umum Ketika mereka mengalir masuk, kita masing-masing membaca semua wawancara non-HMO tersedia untuk melihat apa, jika ada, perbedaan umum bisa kita membedakan antara HMO dan sampel HMO non pada berbagai dimensi dan skema yang dihasilkan lebih awal. Meskipun beberapa perbedaan dapat dideteksi pada awalnya, beberapa petunjuk mulai muncul, seperti yang tercermin dalam pertukaran ini antara Chico, Droes dan Olesen pada pertemuan tim pada tanggal 8 April 1985: ND: Saya memiliki rasa rasa yang berbeda. Saya pikir kita berbicara tentang kelompok yang berbeda dari orang. Penggunaan pendekatan alternatif dalam kelompok ini lebih jelas daripada di sejauh ini. NC: Aku ingin tahu apakah yang diikat dengan kurangnya asuransi. Sebagian besar non-HMO tidak memiliki asuransi. VO: ... orang-orang yang akan sukarela untuk jenis penelitian memiliki kepentingan dalam perawatan diri. Mungkin kita menekan residu dari gerakan 1960 kesehatan. NC: Sebuah refleksi sampling kami VO: Saya pikir orang-orang ini bahkan lebih dari apa yang kita lihat dalam anggota HMO: mereka sedang memantau terus-menerus dan terus-menerus menyadari perawatan mereka . Strategi ND: Apakah kesadaran sana karena itu adalah uang dari saku mereka untuk mencari perawatan? VO: Biaya tidak semua itu. Salah satu responden non-diasuransikan kami mengatakan dia mampu untuk pergi ke dokter, tapi tetap tidak melakukannya .... Saya sekarang ulangan titik Nellie, bahwa ada rasa yang luar biasa ini tanggung jawab dalam penyakit yang berasal dari rasa dasar tanggung jawab, tetapi juga dari hal ekonomi pemantauan. konseptualisasi awal kami tanggung jawab nantinya akan mengubah drastis analisis kami menggali lebih jauh ke dalam rekening anggota non-HMO 'untuk mendukung atau menolak temuan ini. Ini adalah contoh yang baik tentang bagaimana tema atau konsep yang layak pada satu perubahan titik ketika perbandingan yang dibuat dengan data kemudian. (Lihat bagian berikut, "Analisis lebih lanjut dengan pertanyaan '). Kami kemudian dibahas panjang lebar strategi analitik berikutnya untuk membawa keluar perbedaan ini, mempertanyakan apakah kita harus meringkas dengan kategori responden atau pertanyaan. Kami memutuskan untuk cluster pertanyaan seperti yang kita miliki sebelumnya, karena kelompok diberikan poin dari perbandingan antara HMO dan anggota HMO Data non. Setiap anggota membaca cluster untuk responden non-HMO perempuan, kemudian dibandingkan tayangan tersebut dengan ringkasan terkoordinasi dilakukan untuk perempuan pada pertanyaan yang sama dalam analisis HMO. Hal ini kemudian dilakukan responden laki-laki juga. Jangan-jangan upaya kami tampak terlalu halus, di sini adalah kutipan dari catatan dari salah satu anggota tim yang jelas dijelaskan antisipasi dan frustrasi kami karena kami mulai bekerja dengan data HMO non: Saya selalu memiliki reaksi ini saat mendekati data, bagaimana di neraka kita akan masuk akal? Bagaimana kita pernah sampai ke tempat kami dengan analisis anggota HMO? Itu selalu agak mengecewakan untuk mendekati data mentah awalnya. Pada pertemuan kami 29 April pada latihan ini kita mulai mempertajam perbandingan antara HMO dan non-HMO contoh: Membandingkan mereka (non-HMO responden) kepada anggota HMO pada dimensi dari perawatan diri dan khasiat ilmu kedokteran, tidak ada perasaan bahwa mereka seperti HMO. Mereka masih mengandalkan perawatan diri. Namun, kalkulus mereka risiko tidak sama .... Satu tidak mendapatkan rasa keuntungan dari intervensi awal yang dilakukan seseorang dengan kelompok HMO .... Apakah ini terkait dengan kurangnya asuransi? Kita perlu untuk memecahkan non-HMO ke dalam kelompok orang-orang dengan fee-for-service asuransi dan mereka yang tidak memiliki asuransi dan membandingkan kelompok-kelompok. Analisis lebih lanjut oleh pertanyaan Bertindak pada firasat kami di 29 pertemuan April yang kami butuhkan untuk melihat lebih dekat pada non-HMO dalam hal apakah mereka atau tidak memiliki asuransi, kita lagi berkerumun pertanyaan seperti yang kami lakukan dalam analisis sebelumnya. Setiap anggota tim membaca dan menganalisa semua wawancara non-HMO pada cluster tertentu pertanyaan untuk melihat apakah ada perbedaan pada dimensi atau pemanfaatan antara anggota non-HMO diasuransikan dan non-diasuransikan dan antara anggota non-HMO dan HMO. Ketika kami bertemu pada 5 Juni 1985 kita bisa menemukan tidak ada perbedaan antara tertanggung dan non-diasuransikan dalam sampel non-HMO. (Pertanyaan bagaimana ciri kedua jenis responden HMO non dengan tipologi tunggal terus menduduki kita ke awal 1986 dan akan dibahas secara rinci dalam waktu dekat.) Pada saat yang sama kita masih bekerja pada membandingkan HMO dan HMO non . Pada bulan Juni kami ragu-ragu mulai mengkonfirmasi beberapa tema yang tampaknya membedakan non-HMO dari anggota HMO: ND: Ada rasa bahwa saya tidak mendapatkan dengan HMO .... Ini penggunaan alternatif. Ada akupunktur, seorang hipnoterapis, penggunaan kuat alternatif. Saya tidak mendapatkan rasa linearitas perawatan diri yang mengarah pada beberapa kasus untuk perawatan profesional. VO: Hal linearitas terdengar nyata menarik ... non-HMO memiliki semua sistem akan sekaligus: akupunktur, Gold Seal (sejenis terapi herbal), terapi mental. DH: perawatan diri mereka tidak sistematis. Hal ini terfragmentasi. Sementara kita berjuang dengan diferensiasi ini, kami juga sangat terlibat dalam analisis data untuk dua makalah konseptual untuk presentasi dan publikasi penelitian penonton dalam ilmu sosial dan keperawatan: satu di

































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