is the ancient one of the mind and the body: How is the former related terjemahan - is the ancient one of the mind and the body: How is the former related Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

is the ancient one of the mind and

is the ancient one of the mind and the body: How is the former related to the latter, and what kind of a thing is the mind anyway? Philosophers of the other social sciences may think they can ignore such arcane questions. But in the end they cannot. For the modern version of the mind-body problem is that of how physical matter can represent, or have content, in light of the fact that a complete description of it will be extensional and never inten­ sional. It becomes a problem for the philosopher of social science when the role of folk psychology in its explanatory strategy is made clear. For the only way to improve on folk psychology's unity and precision is by showing the "measurability" of its causes by means that the rest of science recognizes. Only if such linkage is possible will there be, even in principle, alternative means for identifying [ L ] ,s domain of application. Only if such linkage is possible will there be means independent of [ L ] to determine the occurrence of its initial conditions. Since such linkage is impossible, it looks as if the conclusion of the logical connection argument is right after all, even though the argument is unsound. For there is no description, known or unknown, of the intentional causes of action, no description that is itself extensional and thus none that is independent of a description of their effects. [L] there­ fore turns out not even to be of limited use as a causal regularity, for the ele­ ments it connects cannot, even in principle, be shown to bear contingent relations to one another.
This is a pessimistic conclusion for the naturalist who hopes to meet sci­ entific standards in the explanation of human action. Whether it is too pes­ simistic hinges on the resolution of fundamental metaphysical problems about the nature of the mind and its relation to the body. The pessimistic conclusion rests equally on deep epistemological issues about the possibil­ ity of empirical testing and its relation to scientific knowledge.
Some naturalists believe that [L] and intentional folk psychology generally can still be reconciled with a broadly empiricist approach to psychological theory. They argue that folk psychology will always be with us; no one can give it up. Indeed, no one should give it up. To begin with, for all its predic­ tive weakness, there is no other theory of human behavior available that is predictively more powerful; second, folk psychology has in fact been im­ proved in the way required for science in at least some areas of cognitive psy­ chology. Accordingly, those naturalists argue, our conception of the nature of scientific theories needs to be changed, improved, enriched, until it can ac­ commodate statements like [ L ] as lawlike generalizations. They argue that we need to rethink our conception of science until [ L ] and its like are rightly viewed as laws, despite their predictive weakness and the difficulty of linking them up to models, generalizations, and laws in nonintentional psychology and the rest of science. The largely philosophical debate that this approach
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is the ancient one of the mind and the body: How is the former related to the latter, and what kind of a thing is the mind anyway? Philosophers of the other social sciences may think they can ignore such arcane questions. But in the end they cannot. For the modern version of the mind-body problem is that of how physical matter can represent, or have content, in light of the fact that a complete description of it will be extensional and never inten­ sional. It becomes a problem for the philosopher of social science when the role of folk psychology in its explanatory strategy is made clear. For the only way to improve on folk psychology's unity and precision is by showing the "measurability" of its causes by means that the rest of science recognizes. Only if such linkage is possible will there be, even in principle, alternative means for identifying [ L ] ,s domain of application. Only if such linkage is possible will there be means independent of [ L ] to determine the occurrence of its initial conditions. Since such linkage is impossible, it looks as if the conclusion of the logical connection argument is right after all, even though the argument is unsound. For there is no description, known or unknown, of the intentional causes of action, no description that is itself extensional and thus none that is independent of a description of their effects. [L] there­ fore turns out not even to be of limited use as a causal regularity, for the ele­ ments it connects cannot, even in principle, be shown to bear contingent relations to one another.This is a pessimistic conclusion for the naturalist who hopes to meet sci­ entific standards in the explanation of human action. Whether it is too pes­ simistic hinges on the resolution of fundamental metaphysical problems about the nature of the mind and its relation to the body. The pessimistic conclusion rests equally on deep epistemological issues about the possibil­ ity of empirical testing and its relation to scientific knowledge.Some naturalists believe that [L] and intentional folk psychology generally can still be reconciled with a broadly empiricist approach to psychological theory. They argue that folk psychology will always be with us; no one can give it up. Indeed, no one should give it up. To begin with, for all its predic­ tive weakness, there is no other theory of human behavior available that is predictively more powerful; second, folk psychology has in fact been im­ proved in the way required for science in at least some areas of cognitive psy­ chology. Accordingly, those naturalists argue, our conception of the nature of scientific theories needs to be changed, improved, enriched, until it can ac­ commodate statements like [ L ] as lawlike generalizations. They argue that we need to rethink our conception of science until [ L ] and its like are rightly viewed as laws, despite their predictive weakness and the difficulty of linking them up to models, generalizations, and laws in nonintentional psychology and the rest of science. The largely philosophical debate that this approach
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adalah salah satu kuno pikiran dan tubuh: Bagaimana mantan berhubungan dengan yang terakhir, dan apa jenis hal adalah pikiran sih? Filsuf ilmu-ilmu sosial lainnya mungkin berpikir mereka dapat mengabaikan pertanyaan misterius tersebut. Tapi pada akhirnya mereka tidak bisa. Untuk versi modern dari masalah pikiran-tubuh adalah bahwa bagaimana fisik materi dapat mewakili, atau memiliki konten, mengingat fakta bahwa deskripsi lengkap akan ekstensional dan tidak pernah Inten sional. Ini menjadi masalah bagi filsuf ilmu sosial ketika peran psikologi rakyat dalam strategi penjelasannya dibuat jelas. Untuk satu-satunya cara untuk meningkatkan persatuan rakyat psikologi dan presisi adalah dengan menunjukkan "terukurnya" dari penyebabnya dengan cara yang sisa ilmu mengakui. Hanya jika linkage tersebut mungkin akan ada, bahkan pada prinsipnya, alternatif berarti untuk mengidentifikasi [L], s domain aplikasi. Hanya jika linkage tersebut mungkin akan ada artinya independen [L] untuk menentukan terjadinya kondisi awal. Karena hubungan tersebut adalah mustahil, tampak seolah-olah kesimpulan dari argumen koneksi logis yang tepat setelah semua, meskipun argumen adalah tidak sehat. Sebab tidak ada keterangan, diketahui atau tidak diketahui, penyebab disengaja tindakan, tidak ada deskripsi yang sendiri ekstensional dan dengan demikian tidak ada yang independen dari deskripsi efek mereka. [L] ada kedepan ternyata bahkan tidak menjadi terbatas digunakan sebagai keteraturan kausal, untuk KASIH ele menghubungkan tidak bisa, bahkan pada prinsipnya, ditampilkan untuk menanggung hubungan kontingen satu sama lain.
Ini adalah kesimpulan pesimis untuk naturalis yang berharap untuk memenuhi standar sci entific dalam penjelasan tindakan manusia. Apakah itu terlalu pes simistic bergantung pada penyelesaian masalah metafisik yang mendasar tentang sifat pikiran dan hubungannya dengan tubuh. Kesimpulan pesimis bersandar sama pada isu-isu epistemologis yang mendalam tentang ity possibil pengujian empiris dan hubungannya dengan pengetahuan ilmiah.
Beberapa naturalis percaya bahwa [L] dan psikologi rakyat disengaja umumnya masih bisa berdamai dengan pendekatan luas empiris teori psikologis. Mereka berpendapat bahwa psikologi rakyat akan selalu bersama kita; tidak ada yang bisa melepaskannya. Memang, tidak ada yang harus menyerah. Untuk mulai dengan, untuk semua kelemahan tive predic nya, tidak ada teori lain dari perilaku manusia yang tersedia yang predictively lebih kuat; kedua, psikologi rakyat sebenarnya telah im terbukti dalam cara yang diperlukan untuk ilmu pengetahuan dalam setidaknya beberapa daerah chology psy kognitif. Dengan demikian, mereka naturalis berpendapat, konsepsi kita tentang sifat teori-teori ilmiah perlu diubah, diperbaiki, diperkaya, sampai bisa laporan ac commodate seperti [L] sebagai generalisasi seperti hukum. Mereka berpendapat bahwa kita perlu memikirkan kembali konsep kami ilmu sampai [L] dan seperti yang yang benar dipandang sebagai hukum, meskipun kelemahan prediksi mereka dan kesulitan menghubungkan mereka ke model, generalisasi, dan hukum dalam psikologi nonintentional dan sisanya dari ilmu . The sebagian besar filosofis perdebatan bahwa pendekatan ini
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