Nineteenth-century reformers, like

Nineteenth-century reformers, like John Harvey Kellogg and Sylvester Graham in the United States, became health evangelists, combining physi-cal and moral health within integrated programmes that promised bodily and spiritual salvation (Whorton 1982). These philosophies were not dis-similar to the Muscular Christianity of the public schoolyard and university quad, in which physical fitness and moral rectitude were regarded as two sides of the one coin. Mens sana in corpore sano was understood literally, as the pure soul was secured, in part, by rigorous corporeal management. Health and hygiene were, thus, anchored within a Protestant discourse that associated physical and moral well-being with self-control, denial and the strict control of bodily temptations and appetites (Turner 2003). Graham, for example, preached that overeating was as sinful as masturbation and promoted austere bodily regimens to ensure that the moral character remained unimpeachable. Indeed, the body did not simply house, but also reflected, the soul, such that the healthy exterior was thought to attest to the individual’s ‘internal goodness’ (Jutel 2005: 120).

Despite medical advances and a more sophisticated approach to its pro-motion, health remains closely associated with appropriate appearance and appropriate behaviour, the former often providing evidence for the latter. Allmark (2005: 2) thus suggests that health is less a set of facts but rather ‘a judgement on the facts’, whilst Robert Crawford adds that health has essentially become a ‘key word’ that says something about the ‘goodness’ of individuals and society (Crawford 1994). The discourses of weight loss, for example, praise dieters for ‘resisting’ and admonish them for ‘succumbing’ to the delights of a ‘sinful’ chocolate dessert. These same dieters internalise such values by proclaiming that they are ‘being good’ when they decline the offer of a sugary treat, or declare themselves to be ‘bad’ should they fail to display the requisite self control and moral fortitude to resist temptation (Bordo 1993). In other words, dieting is popularly framed as a ‘virtual battle between good and evil’ (Conrad 1994: 388), reinforced by television pro-grammes such as The Biggest Loser or Fat Chance, which not only make losing weight competitive but which frame the victors as those who display the greatest level of self-control. ‘Falling off the wagon’, whether with drugs, alcohol or food, suggests a fundamental weakness of character and a lack of appropriate control, which is popularly thought to be visible in the shape and state of the body. For this reason, Crawford (1984: 76) states explicitly that ‘health is a moral discourse, an opportunity to reaffirm shared values of culture; a way to express what it means to be a moral person’, confirming that health represents much more than mere physical condition

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Reformator abad kesembilan belas, seperti John Harvey Kellogg dan Sylvester Graham di Amerika Serikat, menjadi penginjil Kesehatan, menggabungkan physi-cal dan moral kesehatan dalam program-program terpadu yang menjanjikan keselamatan fisik dan rohani (Whorton 1982). Filsafat ini bukanlah dis mirip dengan Kekristenan otot dari publik sekolah dan Universitas quad, di mana kebugaran fisik dan kesucian dianggap sebagai dua sisi dari koin satu. Mens sana in corpore sano difahami secara harfiah, seperti jiwa murni dijamin, sebagian, oleh ketat dengan manajemen. Kesehatan dan kebersihan yang, dengan demikian, berlabuh dalam wacana Protestan yang terkait fisik dan moral kesejahteraan dengan pengendalian diri, penyangkalan dan kendali yang ketat atas godaan tubuh dan selera (Turner 2003). Graham, misalnya, diberitakan bahwa makan berlebihan sebagai dosa sebagai masturbasi dan dipromosikan keras tubuh rejimen untuk memastikan bahwa karakter moral tetap tdk tercela. Memang, tubuh Apakah tidak hanya rumah, tetapi juga tercermin, jiwa, sehingga eksterior sehat diperkirakan membuktikan individu 'internal kebaikan' (Jutel 2005:120).Despite medical advances and a more sophisticated approach to its pro-motion, health remains closely associated with appropriate appearance and appropriate behaviour, the former often providing evidence for the latter. Allmark (2005: 2) thus suggests that health is less a set of facts but rather ‘a judgement on the facts’, whilst Robert Crawford adds that health has essentially become a ‘key word’ that says something about the ‘goodness’ of individuals and society (Crawford 1994). The discourses of weight loss, for example, praise dieters for ‘resisting’ and admonish them for ‘succumbing’ to the delights of a ‘sinful’ chocolate dessert. These same dieters internalise such values by proclaiming that they are ‘being good’ when they decline the offer of a sugary treat, or declare themselves to be ‘bad’ should they fail to display the requisite self control and moral fortitude to resist temptation (Bordo 1993). In other words, dieting is popularly framed as a ‘virtual battle between good and evil’ (Conrad 1994: 388), reinforced by television pro-grammes such as The Biggest Loser or Fat Chance, which not only make losing weight competitive but which frame the victors as those who display the greatest level of self-control. ‘Falling off the wagon’, whether with drugs, alcohol or food, suggests a fundamental weakness of character and a lack of appropriate control, which is popularly thought to be visible in the shape and state of the body. For this reason, Crawford (1984: 76) states explicitly that ‘health is a moral discourse, an opportunity to reaffirm shared values of culture; a way to express what it means to be a moral person’, confirming that health represents much more than mere physical condition