The pseudo-eventLess prone to error

The pseudo-event
Less prone to error but equally useful in attracting and holding media
attention on a politician or organisation are those types of activity which fall
into the category of ‘pseudo-event’ described in Chapter 2. The pseudo-event,
it was noted there, is a ‘happening’ which bears only a tenuous relation to
political reality. It has meaning in and of itself, primarily as a mediaevent.
Some would argue that the debate and interview-type events discussed above
often fall into this category, since there is clearly something rather artificial
and manufactured about the ways in which participants are selected,
questions framed and answers constructed. On the other hand, they areoften
live, and the audience does have an opportunity to make judgments about
political actors based on their performances. Closer, perhaps, to the ‘pure’
pseudo-event are occasions such as party conferences which, in the latter part
of the twentieth century, changed – particularly in the US but increasingly
too in Britain and other advanced democracies – from being fora for policyresolution and decision-making into spectacles designed for the maximisation of positive media coverage.
In the US, where this change in the role and function of the party gathering began, the Democratic and Republican conventions have embraced, with
unabashed enthusiasm, the principles of show business. Meaningful political
debate and manoeuvring takes place behind the scenes, while in its public
manifestation the convention functions as a huge signifier of whatever it is
that the party that year is selling. In Ronald Reagan’s re-electioncampaign
of 1984 the Republican convention was dominated by emotional film of Ron
and Nancy, accompanied by the adulation of convention delegates and (by
extension) the American people. All this was communicated, through media
coverage, to the audience.
In Britain, the trend towards the conference-as-symbol was pioneered, as
were so many elements of modern political marketing, by Margaret
Thatcher’s Conservative Party (Scammell, 1995). In the 1980s, showbusiness enterpreneur Harvey Thomas was employed to design the annual
conferences, which he did according to the principle that ‘on a political
platform we only get a few seconds on BBC news [or ITN] . . . we’ve got to
make sure that those few seconds are absolutely pure as far as the message
is concerned’ (quoted in Cockerell, 1988, p. 325). In the search for ‘purity’
the stages on which conference speakers and party leaders sat were
constructed with the same attention to form and colour co-ordination as a
West End stage set. At the 1983 conference, the first following the Thatcher
government’s victory in the Falklands, the stage resembled nothing more
than a great, grey battleship, on which the Tory leadership sat like
conquering admirals.
As Thomas recognised, mass media coverage of that conference, and most
others, was limited to at most a few minutes. Although in Britain there is a
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tradition of live coverage of the conference debates on the minority audience
BBC 2 channel (now augmented by coverage on Sky News, BBC News and
BBC Parliament), the main news bulletins, whose audiences the politicians
are most concerned to reach, treat them merely as stories (albeit important
ones) in a packed news agenda. There is therefore a tendency for journalists
to look for the ‘essence’ of the event – a particular phrase in the leader’s
speech, for example – and to organise coverage around that feature. Hence,
the discourse emanating from conferences is constructed in the expectation
that only a small part of it will be repeated to the audience which matters.
Speeches are loaded with ‘soundbites’ – convenient, memorable words and
phrases which can become the hook around which journalists will hang a
story. Mrs Thatcher’s ‘This lady’s not for turning’ speech of 1981 is an
excellent example of the phenomenon. The speech and the circumstances of
its delivery are long forgotten, but the phrase lingers on in the public
imagination, evoking the ‘essence’ of Thatcherism. Similarly, the soundbite
‘Tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’, came to symbolise New
Labour’s radical centrist approach of combining a stress on law and order
with concern for social justice.
Political speeches, then, delivered in the pseudo-event environment of a
televised party conference, attempt to satisfy the journalists’ need for easily
reportable ‘bits’ of political information, in such a way as to set the news
agenda in the politicians’ favour.
As the previous chapter noted, the Labour Party paid little attention to
political public relations in the early 1980s, and paid the electoral price for
that neglect in 1983. But as the decade progressed, the Labour Party under
Neil Kinnock successfully emulated the techniques pioneered by Thomas and
the Tories. More attention was paid to the ‘look’ of a conference, involving
everything from the choice of logo to the cut of the speaker’s suit. The
debates, which at Labour conferences had always been genuine exchanges of
view (evidenced by their frequently rancorous, anarchic quality), often
leading to media coverage of ‘splits’ and ‘disunity’, became like those of the
Tories, bland and artificial, with the real acrimony taking place behind closed
doors. The Labour Party, to be fair, has not (even in the era of Blair and
Mandelson) travelled as far down this road as the Conservatives, whose
conferences were by the 1990s organised as little more than expressions of
adulation for the leader, even when the leader was John Major, a man
manifestly unpopular with his party members. In 1993 Labour allowed its
conference to engage in a potentially damaging display of ideological
disagreement when it debated the party’s links with the unions. On this
occasion the leadership won the debate, and was thus able to present thenleader John Smith to the media audience as a commanding figure. After his
election as Labour leader in 1994, Tony Blair had to face some difficult
moments at party conferences, over such issues as the reform of Clause Four
of the constitution and other cherished ‘old Labour’ policies. Despite such
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129
moments of ‘reality intrusion’, nevertheless, Labour, like the Conservatives
and the Liberal Democrats, had by the 1990s been persuaded of the need to
apply the principles of pseudo-eventing to its public gatherings and become
increasingly adept at applying them. At the final Labour conferences of
Gordon Brown’s short-lived premiership (2007–10) his wife Sarah was
brought on stage to eulogise her husband, and help soften his image as ‘Iron
Broon’. The tactic was successful, if only in demonstrating that the workaholic, driven Brown did in fact have a family life, and the love of a strong,
independent woman. Not all attempts at stage managing party conferences
have been as successful, however.
During the 1992 election campaign, such was the manufactured quality of
the major Labour rally that its construction became a news story in itself,
backfiring on the party’s efforts to present itself as modern and media-literate.
The Sheffield rally of 4 April 1992 has passed into British political mythology
as an example of the point at which the construction of pseudo-events for
media consumption crosses the line from acceptable public relations activity
to cynical manipulation. Credited by some commentators as contributing
substantially to the ‘late swing’ which is said to have deprived Labour of
victory,
5
the event is a further example of the politicians’ difficulty in
controlling ‘free media’. Designed to portray an image of the party a few days
before the election as supremely confident in itself and its leader, Neil
Kinnock, the Sheffield rally was instead interpreted by the (mostly Tory)
media as demonstrating arrogance. Kinnock’s evangelistic style at the rally
seemed stilted and embarrassing, the media suggested, rather than, as had
been intended, relaxed and youthful. The exact role of the Sheffield rally in
Labour’s 1992 defeat cannot be known with precision, but there is certainly
force in the argument that it provoked in many members of the audience a
sense of unease. The presumption of victory which underpinned the event was
premature, and an indicator of complacency. The event gave off what were,
for Labour, unwelcome connotations.
Pseudo-events can also be organised on a much smaller scale than the full
conference or rally. An essential part of modern political campaigning is the
setting up of ‘photo-opportunities’ (with accompanying soundbites). In the
1979 election campaign Margaret Thatcher spent a considerable portion of
her time touring factories, donning white coats and, in the most famous
example, holding a calf at an agricultural enterprise. For the journalists
covering the campaign these events provided excellent news material, if not
information about the Conservatives’ political programme. Their need for
broadcastable material was satisfied, as was the aspiring Prime Minister’s
hunger for exposure and publicity.
Since Harold Macmillan’s official visit to Moscow in 1959, incumbent
politicians have used their status to create images of statesmanship and
global power (Foote, 1991). As we saw in the previous chapter, the coverage
generated by such photo-opportunities frequently resurfaces in political
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advertising campaigns, as did pictures of Margaret Thatcher’s 1987 state
visit to Moscow and shots of George Bush meeting foreign dignitaries in his
capacity as vice-president.
The prevalence of these techniques, which are now routinely used by all
parties, has generated debate within the journalistic profession about the
extent to which, by allowing the politicians to flood the campaign environment with pseudo-events of this kind, they are contributing to the degradation of political culture and t

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Acara pseudoKurang rentan terhadap kesalahan tapi sama berguna dalam menarik dan memegang mediaperhatian pada politisi atau organisasi tersebut jenis kegiatan yang jatuhdalam kategori 'event pseudo' dijelaskan dalam Bab 2. Acara pseudo,itu tercatat ada, ' terjadi ' yang beruang hanya hubungan yang lemah untukrealitas politik. Itu memiliki makna dalam dan dari dirinya sendiri, terutama sebagai mediaevent.Beberapa berpendapat bahwa peristiwa perdebatan dan wawancara-jenis dibahas di atassering jatuh ke dalam kategori ini, karena jelas ada sesuatu yang agak buatandan diproduksi tentang cara-cara di mana peserta yang dipilih,pertanyaan dibingkai dan jawaban yang dibangun. Di sisi lain, mereka areoftenhidup, dan para penonton memiliki kesempatan untuk membuat penilaian tentangaktor politik yang didasarkan pada penampilan mereka. Lebih dekat, mungkin, untuk 'murni'pseudo peristiwa adalah acara-acara seperti Partai konferensi yang, pada paruhabad kedua puluh, berubah-khususnya di AS tapi semakinterlalu di Britain dan lain maju demokrasi-dari yang untuk policyresolution dan pengambilan keputusan dalam kacamata dirancang untuk Technical Publications liputan media yang positif.Di AS, di mana perubahan ini dalam peran dan fungsi dari partai mengumpulkan dimulai, Demokrat dan Republik Konvensi telah memeluk, denganjelas antusiasme, prinsip-prinsip bisnis pertunjukan. Bermakna politikperdebatan dan menghendaki kecepatan manuver mengambil tempat di belakang layar, sementara di publikmanifestasi Konvensi berfungsi sebagai terlihat besar apa pun yangbahwa partai tahun itu adalah menjual. Di Ronald Reagan re-electioncampaigntahun 1984 Konvensi Partai Republik didominasi oleh emosional film Rondan Nancy, disertai dengan pujian dari Konvensi delegasi dan (olehorang-orang ekstensi) Amerika. Semua ini adalah dikomunikasikan, melalui mediacakupan, kepada para penonton.Di Britania, dirintis kecenderungan konferensi sebagai simbol, sebagaiada begitu banyak elemen pemasaran politik modern, oleh MargaretPartai Konservatif Thatcher, (Scammell, 1995). Pada tahun 1980, showbusiness pengusaha Harvey Thomas bekerja untuk merancang tahunankonferensi, yang dilakukannya sesuai dengan prinsip yang ' politikplatform yang kita hanya mendapatkan beberapa detik pada BBC news [atau ITN]... kita harusPastikan bahwa beberapa detik benar-benar murni sejauh pesanbersangkutan ' (dikutip dalam Cockerell, 1988, ms. 325). Dalam pencarian untuk 'kesucian'tahap-tahap di mana konferensi speaker dan pemimpin partai duduk yangdibangun dengan perhatian yang sama kepada bentuk dan warna koordinasi sebagaiSet panggung West End. Pada konferensi 1983, berikut pertama Thatcherpemerintah kemenangan di Falklands, panggung menyerupai tidak lebihdari kapal besar, abu-abu, di mana Tory kepimpinan duduk sepertimenaklukkan admirals.Seperti Thomas diakui, massa liputan media konferensi itu, dan sebagianlain, terbatas pada paling beberapa menit. Meskipun di Britania adaKOMUNIKASI POLITIK128tradisi liputan langsung perdebatan konferensi pada penonton minoritasBBC 2 channel (sekarang ditambah dengan liputan di Sky News, BBC News danBBC Parlemen), buletin berita utama, penonton yang para politisipaling prihatin untuk mencapai, memperlakukan mereka hanya sebagai cerita (meskipun pentingorang-orang) dalam agenda makan berita. Oleh karena itu ada kecenderungan untuk wartawanuntuk mencari 'inti' dari acara – frase tertentu di pemimpinpidato, misalnya- dan untuk mengorganisasi cakupan di sekitar fitur itu. Oleh karena itu,wacana berasal dari konferensi dibangun dalam harapanbahwa hanya sebagian kecil dari itu akan diulang untuk penonton yang penting.Pidato yang sarat dengan 'soundbites'-nyaman, kata-kata yang mengesankan danfrase yang dapat menjadi hook sekitar yang wartawan akan menggantungcerita. Nyonya Thatcher 'Wanita ini bukan untuk mengubah' pidato 1981 adalahcontoh yang baik dari fenomena. Pidato dan keadaanpengiriman yang lama terlupakan, tapi kalimat tetap hidup di dalam masyarakatimajinasi, membangkitkan 'inti' dari Thatcherism. Demikian pula, soundbite'Sulit pada kejahatan, sulit pada penyebab kejahatan', datang untuk melambangkan baruLiberal radikal sentris pendekatan menggabungkan stres pada hukum dan ketertibandengan perhatian terhadap keadilan sosial.Pidato politik, kemudian, disampaikan dalam lingkungan pseudo acaratelevisi Partai konferensi, berusaha untuk memenuhi kebutuhan para wartawan untuk dengan mudahdilaporkan 'bit' informasi politik, sedemikian rupa untuk mengatur BeritaAgenda dalam mendukung para politisi.Sebagai bab sebelumnya dicatat, Partai Buruh dibayar sedikit perhatian untukhubungan masyarakat politik pada awal 1980an, dan membayar harga pemilihan untukbahwa kelalaian pada tahun 1983. Tetapi sebagai dasawarsa berkembang, partai buruh di bawahNeil Kinnock berhasil ditiru teknik-teknik yang dipelopori oleh Thomas danThe Tories. Lebih banyak perhatian dibayar untuk 'tampilan' dari sebuah konferensi, melibatkansemuanya dari pilihan logo untuk memotong pembicara setelan. Theperdebatan, yang di konferensi kerja telah sentiasa asli pertukaranLihat (dibuktikan dengan kualitas mereka sering rancorous, Sinology), seringmengarah ke liputan media 'perpecahan' dan 'perpecahan', menjadi seperti orang-orangTories, hambar dan buatan, dengan nyata acrimony mengambil tempat di belakang tertutuppintu. Partai Buruh, untuk menjadi adil, belum (bahkan di era Blair danMandelson) bepergian jauh melewati jalan ini sebagai kaum konservatif, yangkonferensi itu 1990-an yang disusun sebagai sedikit lebih dari ekspresipujian untuk para pemimpin, bahkan ketika pemimpin John Major, seorang priajelas tidak populer dengan anggota partai. Pada tahun 1993 buruh diperbolehkan nyakonferensi untuk terlibat dalam tampilan berpotensi merusak ideologiperselisihan saat itu diperdebatkan Partai link dengan Serikat pekerja. Inikesempatan kepemimpinan memenangkan perdebatan, dan dengan itu mampu menyajikan thenleader John Smith kepada khalayak media sebagai sosok yang memerintah. Setelahpemilihan sebagai pemimpin buruh pada tahun 1994, Tony Blair harus menghadapi beberapa sulitsaat-saat di Partai konferensi, atas isu-isu seperti reformasi empat ayatKonstitusi dan lain dihargai 'kerja tua' kebijakan. Meskipun demikianPOLITIK HUBUNGAN MASYARAKAT129saat-saat 'realitas intrusi', Namun demikian, perburuhan, seperti konservatifdan Partai Demokrat Liberal, telah 1990-an telah membujuk perlumenerapkan prinsip-prinsip eventing pseudo pertemuan yang umum dan menjadisemakin mahir di menerapkannya. Pada Konferensi Perburuhan akhirGordon Brown Perdana Menteri pendek (2007 – 10) istrinya Sarahmembawa panggung untuk eulogise suaminya, dan membantu melembutkan citranya sebagai ' besiBroon'. Taktik ini berhasil, jika hanya dalam menunjukkan bahwa workaholic, didorong Brown bahkan memiliki kehidupan keluarga, dan cinta yang kuat,wanita yang independen. Tidak semua upaya pada tahap mengelola Partai konferensitelah berhasil, namun.Selama kampanye pemilu tahun 1992, begitulah diproduksi kualitasBuruh rally besar bahwa pembangunannya menjadi berita itu sendiri,knalpot Partai upaya untuk menyajikan dirinya sebagai modern dan melek media.The Sheffield rally of 4 April 1992 has passed into British political mythologyas an example of the point at which the construction of pseudo-events formedia consumption crosses the line from acceptable public relations activityto cynical manipulation. Credited by some commentators as contributingsubstantially to the ‘late swing’ which is said to have deprived Labour ofvictory,5the event is a further example of the politicians’ difficulty incontrolling ‘free media’. Designed to portray an image of the party a few daysbefore the election as supremely confident in itself and its leader, NeilKinnock, the Sheffield rally was instead interpreted by the (mostly Tory)media as demonstrating arrogance. Kinnock’s evangelistic style at the rallyseemed stilted and embarrassing, the media suggested, rather than, as hadbeen intended, relaxed and youthful. The exact role of the Sheffield rally inLabour’s 1992 defeat cannot be known with precision, but there is certainlyforce in the argument that it provoked in many members of the audience asense of unease. The presumption of victory which underpinned the event waspremature, and an indicator of complacency. The event gave off what were,for Labour, unwelcome connotations.Pseudo-events can also be organised on a much smaller scale than the fullconference or rally. An essential part of modern political campaigning is thesetting up of ‘photo-opportunities’ (with accompanying soundbites). In the1979 election campaign Margaret Thatcher spent a considerable portion ofher time touring factories, donning white coats and, in the most famousexample, holding a calf at an agricultural enterprise. For the journalistscovering the campaign these events provided excellent news material, if notinformation about the Conservatives’ political programme. Their need forbroadcastable material was satisfied, as was the aspiring Prime Minister’shunger for exposure and publicity.Since Harold Macmillan’s official visit to Moscow in 1959, incumbentpoliticians have used their status to create images of statesmanship andglobal power (Foote, 1991). As we saw in the previous chapter, the coveragegenerated by such photo-opportunities frequently resurfaces in politicalCOMMUNICATING POLITICS130advertising campaigns, as did pictures of Margaret Thatcher’s 1987 statevisit to Moscow and shots of George Bush meeting foreign dignitaries in hiscapacity as vice-president.The prevalence of these techniques, which are now routinely used by allparties, has generated debate within the journalistic profession about theextent to which, by allowing the politicians to flood the campaign environment with pseudo-events of this kind, they are contributing to the degradation of political culture and t