Effects of rising educational levelsThe raising of levels of education terjemahan - Effects of rising educational levelsThe raising of levels of education Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

Effects of rising educational level

Effects of rising educational levels
The raising of levels of education in the population as a whole is an irreversible social phenomenon, the consequences of which have already affected, and will con¬tinue to affect, social life, employment conditions and attitudes to work.
i). Economists have long stressed the widespread external effects that higher educational levels could have on the social, economic and cultural life of a nation. A person's cultural " consumption" is, for example, closely linked to his level of education. Recently, researchers have been able to set out, and even to try to quantify, the influence of educational levels on human behaviour". Apart from salary and socio-economic status, the level of a person's initial education has been seen to affect such diverse aspects of life as the acquisition of further skills, choice of marriage partner, size of family and level of children's education, consumer behaviour, handling of savings, choice of household investments, political attitudes, degree of social devia-tion, choice of leisure activities, level of activity of women (other than those with young children) or time devoted to children. In general, education in-creases a person's knowledge, his or her capacity to solve problems in a rapidly changing world, his or her ability to plan for the future rather than be content with the present, and thus his or her capability to take important personal decisions. In addition, transfers from one generation to another take increasingly the form of cultural and human capital rather than one of merely money and property.
ii) Succeeding generations have benefited in a very unequal way from the rapid expansion of education of the past 20 years. In countries where the educational level was relatively low, disparities have increased". On the other hand, as can be seen from the United States example, the gaps in educational levels between generations tend to narrow sharply with age (Table 56). The will to reduce these inequalities has brought official encouragement for training schemes whereby adults have access to post-compulsory studies and appropriate forms of recurrent education.
iii). The effect on productivity of the raising of levels of instruction is a highly controversial subject among educational economists. The human capital theory, whereby each supplementary educational unit acquired increases individual productive capacity, has been strongly contested";
iv). During recent years there have been many attempts to analyse the new attitudes to work in general and consequences of higher levels of instruction on the attitudes and aspirations of young people vis-a-vis working life 27. These studies show that for a large majority of pupils, students and parents, education continues to be primarily a means of acquiring higher social status and a higher level of qualification than one's parents, even though professional objectives often remain vague. Although the numbers of young people rejecting conventional jobs and taking up marginal activities are low, it nevertheless appears that certain types of rejection— of industrial or manual work, or of repetitive tasks— are becoming more common among the more educated young. It has been argued that professional aspirations associated with certain types of diploma were based on: (a)the positions achieved by graduate groups in working life during recent years, i.e. at a time of relative security of higher education degrees and of shortage of highly skilled manpower; and (b) the professional situation of parents. The decline in opportunities of access to jobs or social positions equiv¬alent to given levels of education may have contributed. initially, to the rejection of certain types of employment. Finally, research into work attitudes tends to stress the gap between school and working life, the short¬comings in educational content, the school's emphasis on academic studies which diverts the child from the acquisition of practical skills, from manual and productive work and from the exercise of responsibility. In any event, certain cases of rejection can be explained by unsatisfactory working con¬ditions, the nature of certain kinds of work or by salary levels judged to be insufficient.
v) Higher educational levels— which are not necessarily concomitant with levels of qualification— are at the heart of highly controversial hypotheses about the trend towards down-grading of personnel on the one hand and " de-skilling" of jobs on the other. The argument of a growing" de-skilling" of jobs (increase in the percentage of unskilled jobs) is controversial and the analyses on this subject are often contradictory. In the medium term a stabilisation or slow reduction in the percentage of unskilled jobs can be ex pected. This tendency depends, however, on how the elements making up job qualification are perceived and defined. Qualification structures vary depending on the production structures of the various sectors and branches of the economy, on the restructuring which takes place, on the size and organisation of the work and on recruitment standards. Nomenclature and types of classifications used should also be taken into consideration.
The growing gap between levels of education, levels of work qualification has given rise to some pessimistic forecasts. According to the German study referred to above, the 50 per cent of university graduates who do not find satisfactory employ-ment at their level will take technical or office jobs hitherto usually filled by secondary school leavers. The secondary school, leavers will therefore be constrained to take jobs usually filled by less qualified workers who will, in their turn, be forced into marginal jobs or unemployment. This reasoning underlines the need for both the education and employment sectors to take the appropriate measures—in school or elsewhere—to offer all young people the chance of obtaining usable qualifications to prepare them effectively for working life, to create new jobs and to structure salaries so as to encourage the acquisition of qualifications. Behind all this lies the corresponding re¬quirement for the structure of employment to evolve in such a way that the potential represented by the educational levels of the working population, particularly the younger generation, can be fully utilised.

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Effects of rising educational levels
The raising of levels of education in the population as a whole is an irreversible social phenomenon, the consequences of which have already affected, and will con¬tinue to affect, social life, employment conditions and attitudes to work.
i). Economists have long stressed the widespread external effects that higher educational levels could have on the social, economic and cultural life of a nation. A person's cultural " consumption" is, for example, closely linked to his level of education. Recently, researchers have been able to set out, and even to try to quantify, the influence of educational levels on human behaviour". Apart from salary and socio-economic status, the level of a person's initial education has been seen to affect such diverse aspects of life as the acquisition of further skills, choice of marriage partner, size of family and level of children's education, consumer behaviour, handling of savings, choice of household investments, political attitudes, degree of social devia-tion, choice of leisure activities, level of activity of women (other than those with young children) or time devoted to children. In general, education in-creases a person's knowledge, his or her capacity to solve problems in a rapidly changing world, his or her ability to plan for the future rather than be content with the present, and thus his or her capability to take important personal decisions. In addition, transfers from one generation to another take increasingly the form of cultural and human capital rather than one of merely money and property.
ii) Succeeding generations have benefited in a very unequal way from the rapid expansion of education of the past 20 years. In countries where the educational level was relatively low, disparities have increased". On the other hand, as can be seen from the United States example, the gaps in educational levels between generations tend to narrow sharply with age (Table 56). The will to reduce these inequalities has brought official encouragement for training schemes whereby adults have access to post-compulsory studies and appropriate forms of recurrent education.
iii). The effect on productivity of the raising of levels of instruction is a highly controversial subject among educational economists. The human capital theory, whereby each supplementary educational unit acquired increases individual productive capacity, has been strongly contested";
iv). During recent years there have been many attempts to analyse the new attitudes to work in general and consequences of higher levels of instruction on the attitudes and aspirations of young people vis-a-vis working life 27. These studies show that for a large majority of pupils, students and parents, education continues to be primarily a means of acquiring higher social status and a higher level of qualification than one's parents, even though professional objectives often remain vague. Although the numbers of young people rejecting conventional jobs and taking up marginal activities are low, it nevertheless appears that certain types of rejection— of industrial or manual work, or of repetitive tasks— are becoming more common among the more educated young. It has been argued that professional aspirations associated with certain types of diploma were based on: (a)the positions achieved by graduate groups in working life during recent years, i.e. at a time of relative security of higher education degrees and of shortage of highly skilled manpower; and (b) the professional situation of parents. The decline in opportunities of access to jobs or social positions equiv¬alent to given levels of education may have contributed. initially, to the rejection of certain types of employment. Finally, research into work attitudes tends to stress the gap between school and working life, the short¬comings in educational content, the school's emphasis on academic studies which diverts the child from the acquisition of practical skills, from manual and productive work and from the exercise of responsibility. In any event, certain cases of rejection can be explained by unsatisfactory working con¬ditions, the nature of certain kinds of work or by salary levels judged to be insufficient.
v) Higher educational levels— which are not necessarily concomitant with levels of qualification— are at the heart of highly controversial hypotheses about the trend towards down-grading of personnel on the one hand and " de-skilling" of jobs on the other. The argument of a growing" de-skilling" of jobs (increase in the percentage of unskilled jobs) is controversial and the analyses on this subject are often contradictory. In the medium term a stabilisation or slow reduction in the percentage of unskilled jobs can be ex pected. This tendency depends, however, on how the elements making up job qualification are perceived and defined. Qualification structures vary depending on the production structures of the various sectors and branches of the economy, on the restructuring which takes place, on the size and organisation of the work and on recruitment standards. Nomenclature and types of classifications used should also be taken into consideration.
The growing gap between levels of education, levels of work qualification has given rise to some pessimistic forecasts. According to the German study referred to above, the 50 per cent of university graduates who do not find satisfactory employ-ment at their level will take technical or office jobs hitherto usually filled by secondary school leavers. The secondary school, leavers will therefore be constrained to take jobs usually filled by less qualified workers who will, in their turn, be forced into marginal jobs or unemployment. This reasoning underlines the need for both the education and employment sectors to take the appropriate measures—in school or elsewhere—to offer all young people the chance of obtaining usable qualifications to prepare them effectively for working life, to create new jobs and to structure salaries so as to encourage the acquisition of qualifications. Behind all this lies the corresponding re¬quirement for the structure of employment to evolve in such a way that the potential represented by the educational levels of the working population, particularly the younger generation, can be fully utilised.

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Dampak kenaikan tingkat pendidikan
Meningkatnya tingkat pendidikan penduduk secara keseluruhan merupakan fenomena sosial ireversibel, konsekuensi yang telah terpengaruh, dan akan con¬tinue mempengaruhi, kehidupan sosial, kondisi kerja dan sikap untuk bekerja.
i ). Para ekonom telah lama menekankan efek eksternal luas bahwa tingkat pendidikan yang lebih tinggi bisa saja pada kehidupan sosial, ekonomi dan budaya bangsa. Budaya "konsumsi" seseorang adalah, misalnya, terkait erat dengan tingkat nya pendidikan. Baru-baru ini, peneliti telah mampu untuk berangkat, dan bahkan mencoba untuk mengukur, pengaruh tingkat pendidikan terhadap perilaku manusia ". Selain gaji dan status sosial-ekonomi, tingkat pendidikan awal seseorang telah terlihat untuk mempengaruhi seperti beragam aspek kehidupan sebagai perolehan keterampilan lebih lanjut, pilihan pasangan hidup, ukuran keluarga dan tingkat pendidikan anak, perilaku konsumen, penanganan tabungan, pilihan investasi rumah tangga, sikap politik, tingkat sosial Devia-tion, pilihan kegiatan rekreasi , tingkat aktivitas wanita (selain yang dengan anak-anak) atau waktu yang dihabiskan untuk anak-anak. Secara umum, pendidikan di-lipatan pengetahuan seseorang, atau kapasitasnya untuk memecahkan masalah dalam dunia yang berubah dengan cepat, kemampuannya untuk merencanakan untuk masa depan daripada puas dengan saat ini, dan dengan demikian kemampuan nya untuk mengambil keputusan pribadi yang penting. Selain itu, transfer dari satu generasi ke generasi yang lain mengambil semakin bentuk modal budaya dan manusia dan bukan salah satu dari hanya uang dan properti.
ii) Berhasil generasi mendapat keuntungan dengan cara yang sangat tidak merata dari ekspansi yang cepat dari pendidikan 20 tahun terakhir. Di negara-negara di mana tingkat pendidikan relatif rendah, kesenjangan telah meningkat ". Di sisi lain, seperti dapat dilihat dari contoh Amerika Serikat, kesenjangan dalam tingkat pendidikan antar generasi cenderung mempersempit tajam dengan usia (Tabel 56). Kemauan untuk mengurangi kesenjangan tersebut telah membawa dorongan resmi untuk skema pelatihan dimana orang dewasa memiliki akses ke studi pasca-wajib dan bentuk yang sesuai pendidikan berulang.
iii). Efek pada produktivitas peningkatan tingkat pengantar adalah subjek yang sangat kontroversial di kalangan ekonom pendidikan. Teori modal manusia, dimana setiap satuan pendidikan tambahan yang diperoleh meningkat kapasitas produksi masing-masing, telah sangat diperebutkan ";
iv). Selama beberapa tahun terakhir telah banyak usaha untuk menganalisis sikap baru untuk bekerja secara umum dan konsekuensi dari tingkat yang lebih tinggi dari instruksi pada sikap dan aspirasi anak muda vis-a-vis hidup 27. bekerja Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa untuk sebagian besar murid, siswa dan orang tua, pendidikan terus menjadi terutama sarana memperoleh status sosial yang lebih tinggi dan tingkat yang lebih tinggi dari kualifikasi dari orang tua seseorang, meskipun tujuan profesional sering tetap kabur. Meskipun jumlah orang-orang muda yang menolak pekerjaan konvensional dan mengambil kegiatan marjinal yang rendah, namun tampak bahwa beberapa jenis rejection- kerja industri atau manual, atau Tugas- berulang menjadi lebih umum di kalangan kaum muda yang berpendidikan lebih tinggi. Telah dikemukakan bahwa aspirasi profesional yang terkait dengan jenis tertentu diploma didasarkan pada: (a) posisi yang dicapai oleh kelompok pascasarjana dalam kehidupan kerja selama beberapa tahun terakhir, yaitu pada saat keamanan relatif derajat pendidikan tinggi dan kekurangan yang sangat terampil tenaga kerja; dan (b) situasi profesional orang tua. Penurunan peluang akses ke pekerjaan atau posisi sosial equiv¬alent ke tingkat tertentu pendidikan mungkin telah berkontribusi. awalnya, untuk penolakan beberapa jenis pekerjaan. Akhirnya, penelitian sikap kerja cenderung menekankan kesenjangan antara sekolah dan kehidupan kerja, short¬comings dalam isi pendidikan, penekanan sekolah pada studi akademis yang mengalihkan anak dari perolehan keterampilan praktis, dari pekerjaan manual dan produktif dan dari pelaksanaan tanggung jawab. Dalam hal apapun, kasus-kasus tertentu penolakan dapat dijelaskan oleh con¬ditions bekerja memuaskan, sifat jenis pekerjaan tertentu atau dengan tingkat gaji dinilai tidak cukup.
v) tingkat-pendidikan tinggi yang belum tentu seiring dengan tingkat qualification- berada di jantung hipotesis kontroversial tentang kecenderungan turun-grading personel di satu sisi dan "de-Skilling" pekerjaan di sisi lain. Argumen dari tumbuh "de-Skilling" dari (peningkatan persentase pekerjaan kasar) pekerjaan yang kontroversial dan analisis mengenai hal ini sering bertentangan. Dalam jangka menengah stabilisasi atau penurunan lambat dalam persentase pekerjaan kasar bisa ex pected. Kecenderungan ini tergantung, bagaimanapun, pada bagaimana unsur-unsur yang membentuk kualifikasi pekerjaan yang dirasakan dan didefinisikan. Struktur Kualifikasi bervariasi tergantung pada struktur produksi berbagai sektor dan cabang ekonomi, restrukturisasi yang berlangsung, pada ukuran dan organisasi kerja dan standar perekrutan. Nomenklatur dan jenis klasifikasi yang digunakan juga harus dipertimbangkan.
Kesenjangan tumbuh antara tingkat pendidikan, tingkat kualifikasi kerja telah melahirkan beberapa perkiraan pesimis. Menurut penelitian di Jerman yang disebut di atas, 50 persen dari lulusan universitas yang tidak menemukan memuaskan mempekerjakan-ment pada tingkat akan mengambil pekerjaan teknis atau kantor sampai sekarang biasanya diisi oleh lulusan sekolah menengah. Sekolah menengah, lulusan karena itu akan dibatasi untuk mengambil pekerjaan biasanya diisi oleh kurang pekerja berkualitas yang akan, pada gilirannya, dipaksa ke dalam pekerjaan marjinal atau pengangguran. Alasan ini menggarisbawahi kebutuhan untuk kedua sektor pendidikan dan pekerjaan untuk mengambil langkah-langkah-in sesuai sekolah atau di tempat lain-untuk menawarkan semua orang muda kesempatan untuk mendapatkan kualifikasi yang dapat digunakan untuk mempersiapkan mereka secara efektif untuk kehidupan kerja, untuk menciptakan lapangan kerja baru dan struktur gaji sehingga mendorong akuisisi kualifikasi. Di balik semua ini terletak re¬quirement yang sesuai untuk struktur ketenagakerjaan berkembang sedemikian rupa sehingga potensi diwakili oleh tingkat pendidikan penduduk yang bekerja, terutama generasi muda, dapat dimanfaatkan sepenuhnya.

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