Modern History Sourcebook:President

Modern History Sourcebook:
President Sukarno of Indonesia:
Speech at the Opening of the Bandung Conference, April 18 1955

[]

This twentieth century has been a period of terrific dynamism. Perhaps the last fifty years have seen more developments and more material progress than the previous five hundred years. Man has learned to control many of the scourges which once threatened him. He has learned to consume distance. He has learned to project his voice and his picture across oceans and continents. lie has probed deep into the secrets of nature and learned how to make the desert bloom and the plants of the earth increase their bounty. He has learned how to release the immense forces locked in the smallest particles of matter.

But has man's political skill marched hand-in-hand with his technical and scientific skill? Man can chain lightning to his command-can be control the society in which be lives? The answer is No! The political skill of man has been far outstripped by technical skill, and what lie has made he cannot be sure of controlling.

The result of this is fear. And man gasps for safety and morality.

Perhaps now more than at any other moment in the history of the world, society, government and statesmanship need to be based upon the highest code of morality and ethics. And in political terms, what is the highest code of morality? It is the subordination of everything to the well-being of mankind. But today we are faced with a situation where the well-being of mankind is not always the primary consideration. Many who are in places of high power think, rather, of controlling the world.

Yes, we are living in a world of fear. The life of man today is corroded and made bitter by fear. Fear of the future, fear of the hydrogen bomb, fear of ideologies. Perhaps this fear is a greater danger than the danger itself, because it is fear which drives men to act foolishly, to act thoughtlessly, to act dangerously. . . .

All of us, I am certain, are united by more important things than those which superficially divide us. We are united, for instance, by a common detestation of colonialism in whatever form it appears. We are united by a common detestation of racialism. And we are united by a common determination to preserve and stabilise peace in the world. . . .

We are often told "Colonialism is dead." Let us not be deceived or even soothed by that. 1 say to you, colonialism is not yet dead. How can we say it is dead, so long as vast areas of Asia and Africa are unfree.

And, I beg of you do not think of colonialism only in the classic form which we of Indonesia, and our brothers in different parts of Asia and Africa, knew. Colonialism has also its modern dress, in the form of economic control, intellectual control, actual physical control by a small but alien community within a nation. It is a skilful and determined enemy, and it appears in many guises. It does not give up its loot easily. Wherever, whenever and however it appears, colonialism is an evil thing, and one which must be eradicated from the earth. . . .

Not so very long ago we argued that peace was necessary for us because an outbreak of fighting in our part of the world would imperil our precious independence, so recently won at such great cost.

Today, the picture is more black. War would riot only mean a threat to our independence, it may mean the end of civilisation and even of human life. There is a force loose in the world whose potentiality for evil no man truly knows. Even in practice and rehearsal for war the effects may well be building up into something of unknown horror.

Not so long ago it was possible to take some little comfort from the idea that the clash, if it came, could perhaps be settled by what were called "conventional weapons "-bombs, tanks, cannon and men. Today that little grain of comfort is denied us for it has been made clear that the weapons of ultimate horror will certainly be used, and the military planning of nations is on that basis. The unconventional has become the conventional, and who knows what other examples of misguided and diabolical scientific skill have been discovered as a plague on humanity.

And do not think that the oceans and the seas will protect us. The food that we cat, the water that we drink, yes, even the very air that we breathe can be contaminated by poisons originating from thousands of miles away. And it could be that, even if we ourselves escaped lightly, the unborn generations of our children would bear on their distorted bodies the marks of our failure to control the forces which have been released on the world.

No task is more urgent than that of preserving peace. Without peace our independence means little. The rehabilitation and upbuilding of our countries will have little meaning. Our revolutions will not be allowed to run their course. . . .

What can we do? We can do much! We can inject the voice of reason into world affairs. We can mobilise all the spiritual, all the moral, all the political strength of Asia and Africa on the side of peace. Yes, we! We, the peoples of Asia and Africa, 1,400,000,000 strong, far more than half the human population of the world, we can mobilise what I have called the Moral Violence of Nations in favour of peace. We can demonstrate to the minority of the world which lives on the other continents that we, the majority are for peace, not for war, and that whatever strength we have will always be thrown on to the side of peace.

In this struggle, some success has already been scored. I think it is generally recognised that the activity of the Prime Ministers of the Sponsoring Countries which invited you here had a not unimportant role to play in ending the fighting in Indo-China.

Look, the peoples of Asia raised their voices, and the world listened. It was no small victory and no negligible precedent! The five Prime Ministers did not make threats. They issued no ultimatum, they mobilised no troops. Instead they consulted together, discussed the issues, pooled their ideas, added together their individual political skills and came forward with sound and reasoned suggestions which formed the basis for a settlement of the long struggle in Indo-China.

I have often since then asked myself why these five were successful when others, with long records of diplomacy, were unsuccessful, and, in fact, had allowed a bad situation to get worse, so that there was a danger of the conflict spreading. . . . I think that the answer really lies in the fact that those five Prime Ministers brought a fresh approach to bear on the problem. They were not seeking advantage for their own countries. They had no axe of power-politics to grind. They had but one interest-how to end the fighting in such a way that the chances of continuing peace and stability were enhanced. . . .

So, let this Asian-African Conference be a great success! Make the "Live and let live" principle and the "Unity in Diversity" motto the unifying force which brings us all together-to seek in friendly, uninhibited discussion, ways and means by which each of us can live his own life, and let others live their own lives, in their own way, in harmony, and in peace.

If we succeed in doing so, the effect of it for the freedom, independence and the welfare of man will be great on the world at large. The Light of Understanding has again been lit, the Pillar of Cooperation again erected. The likelihood of success of this Conference is proved already by the very presence of you all here today. It is for us to give it strength, to give it the power of inspiration-to spread its message all over the World.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 1:

Modern History Sourcebook:President Sukarno of Indonesia:Speech at the Opening of the Bandung Conference, April 18 1955 [] This twentieth century has been a period of terrific dynamism. Perhaps the last fifty years have seen more developments and more material progress than the previous five hundred years. Man has learned to control many of the scourges which once threatened him. He has learned to consume distance. He has learned to project his voice and his picture across oceans and continents. lie has probed deep into the secrets of nature and learned how to make the desert bloom and the plants of the earth increase their bounty. He has learned how to release the immense forces locked in the smallest particles of matter. But has man's political skill marched hand-in-hand with his technical and scientific skill? Man can chain lightning to his command-can be control the society in which be lives? The answer is No! The political skill of man has been far outstripped by technical skill, and what lie has made he cannot be sure of controlling. The result of this is fear. And man gasps for safety and morality. Mungkin sekarang lebih dari setiap saat lainnya dalam sejarah dunia, masyarakat, pemerintah, dan statesmanship perlu untuk berdasarkan kode tertinggi moral dan etika. Dan secara politik, apa kode tertinggi moralitas? Ini adalah subordinasi segalanya untuk kesejahteraan umat manusia. Tapi hari ini kita dihadapkan dengan situasi di mana kesejahteraan manusia tidak selalu pertimbangan utama. Banyak orang yang di tempat-tempat tinggi daya pikir, sebaliknya, mengendalikan dunia. Ya, kita hidup di dunia yang ketakutan. Kehidupan manusia hari ini adalah berkarat dan menjadi pahit oleh rasa takut. Ketakutan ketakutan masa depan, bom hidrogen, takut ideologi. Mungkin ketakutan ini adalah bahaya yang lebih besar daripada bahaya itu sendiri, karena takut yang mendorong orang untuk bertindak bodoh, untuk bertindak sembarangan, untuk bertindak berbahaya.... Kita semua, saya yakin, disatukan oleh hal-hal yang lebih penting daripada yang dangkal memisahkan kita. Kita bersatu, misalnya, oleh detestation umum penjajahan dalam bentuk apa pun muncul. Kami disatukan oleh detestation umum dari rasialisme. Dan kita dipersatukan oleh tekad umum untuk mempertahankan dan menstabilkan perdamaian di dunia.... Kita sering diberitahu "Kolonialisme sudah mati." Mari kita tidak akan tertipu dan bahkan berdesain oleh itu. 1 mengatakan kepada Anda, kolonialisme tidak belum mati. Bagaimana kita bisa mengatakan itu sudah mati, sehingga selama luas wilayah Asia dan Afrika unfree. And, I beg of you do not think of colonialism only in the classic form which we of Indonesia, and our brothers in different parts of Asia and Africa, knew. Colonialism has also its modern dress, in the form of economic control, intellectual control, actual physical control by a small but alien community within a nation. It is a skilful and determined enemy, and it appears in many guises. It does not give up its loot easily. Wherever, whenever and however it appears, colonialism is an evil thing, and one which must be eradicated from the earth. . . . Not so very long ago we argued that peace was necessary for us because an outbreak of fighting in our part of the world would imperil our precious independence, so recently won at such great cost. Today, the picture is more black. War would riot only mean a threat to our independence, it may mean the end of civilisation and even of human life. There is a force loose in the world whose potentiality for evil no man truly knows. Even in practice and rehearsal for war the effects may well be building up into something of unknown horror. Not so long ago it was possible to take some little comfort from the idea that the clash, if it came, could perhaps be settled by what were called "conventional weapons "-bombs, tanks, cannon and men. Today that little grain of comfort is denied us for it has been made clear that the weapons of ultimate horror will certainly be used, and the military planning of nations is on that basis. The unconventional has become the conventional, and who knows what other examples of misguided and diabolical scientific skill have been discovered as a plague on humanity. And do not think that the oceans and the seas will protect us. The food that we cat, the water that we drink, yes, even the very air that we breathe can be contaminated by poisons originating from thousands of miles away. And it could be that, even if we ourselves escaped lightly, the unborn generations of our children would bear on their distorted bodies the marks of our failure to control the forces which have been released on the world. No task is more urgent than that of preserving peace. Without peace our independence means little. The rehabilitation and upbuilding of our countries will have little meaning. Our revolutions will not be allowed to run their course. . . . What can we do? We can do much! We can inject the voice of reason into world affairs. We can mobilise all the spiritual, all the moral, all the political strength of Asia and Africa on the side of peace. Yes, we! We, the peoples of Asia and Africa, 1,400,000,000 strong, far more than half the human population of the world, we can mobilise what I have called the Moral Violence of Nations in favour of peace. We can demonstrate to the minority of the world which lives on the other continents that we, the majority are for peace, not for war, and that whatever strength we have will always be thrown on to the side of peace. In this struggle, some success has already been scored. I think it is generally recognised that the activity of the Prime Ministers of the Sponsoring Countries which invited you here had a not unimportant role to play in ending the fighting in Indo-China. Look, the peoples of Asia raised their voices, and the world listened. It was no small victory and no negligible precedent! The five Prime Ministers did not make threats. They issued no ultimatum, they mobilised no troops. Instead they consulted together, discussed the issues, pooled their ideas, added together their individual political skills and came forward with sound and reasoned suggestions which formed the basis for a settlement of the long struggle in Indo-China. I have often since then asked myself why these five were successful when others, with long records of diplomacy, were unsuccessful, and, in fact, had allowed a bad situation to get worse, so that there was a danger of the conflict spreading. . . . I think that the answer really lies in the fact that those five Prime Ministers brought a fresh approach to bear on the problem. They were not seeking advantage for their own countries. They had no axe of power-politics to grind. They had but one interest-how to end the fighting in such a way that the chances of continuing peace and stability were enhanced. . . .
So, let this Asian-African Conference be a great success! Make the "Live and let live" principle and the "Unity in Diversity" motto the unifying force which brings us all together-to seek in friendly, uninhibited discussion, ways and means by which each of us can live his own life, and let others live their own lives, in their own way, in harmony, and in peace.

If we succeed in doing so, the effect of it for the freedom, independence and the welfare of man will be great on the world at large. The Light of Understanding has again been lit, the Pillar of Cooperation again erected. The likelihood of success of this Conference is proved already by the very presence of you all here today. It is for us to give it strength, to give it the power of inspiration-to spread its message all over the World.

Hasil (Bahasa Indonesia) 2:

Sejarah Modern Sourcebook:
Presiden Sukarno dari Indonesia:
Pidato pada Pembukaan Konferensi Bandung, 18 April 1955 [] abad kedua puluh ini telah menjadi periode dinamisme hebat. Mungkin lima puluh tahun terakhir telah melihat lebih perkembangan dan kemajuan yang lebih materi dari sebelumnya lima ratus tahun. Manusia telah belajar untuk mengendalikan banyak momok yang pernah mengancamnya. Dia telah belajar untuk mengkonsumsi jarak. Dia telah belajar untuk memproyeksikan suara dan fotonya di lautan dan benua. kebohongan telah menggali jauh ke dalam rahasia alam dan belajar bagaimana membuat mekar gurun dan tanaman bumi meningkatkan karunia mereka. Ia telah belajar bagaimana untuk melepaskan kekuatan besar terkunci dalam partikel terkecil dari materi. Tapi telah keterampilan politik manusia berbaris di tangan-tangan dengan keterampilan teknis dan ilmiah? Man dapat rantai petir untuk nya perintah-bisa mengontrol masyarakat di mana menjadi hidup? Jawabannya adalah Tidak! Keterampilan politik manusia telah jauh melampaui oleh keterampilan teknis, dan apa kebohongan telah membuat dia tidak bisa memastikan pengendalian. Hasil ini adalah ketakutan. Dan manusia terengah-engah untuk keselamatan dan moralitas. Mungkin sekarang lebih dari setiap saat lain dalam sejarah dunia, masyarakat, pemerintah dan kenegarawanan perlu didasarkan pada kode tertinggi moralitas dan etika. Dan dalam hal politik, apa adalah kode tertinggi moralitas? Ini adalah subordinasi segalanya untuk kesejahteraan umat manusia. Tapi hari ini kita dihadapkan dengan situasi di mana kesejahteraan umat manusia tidak selalu pertimbangan utama. Banyak yang berada di tempat-tempat daya tinggi berpikir, lebih tepatnya, mengendalikan dunia. Ya, kita hidup di dunia ketakutan. Kehidupan manusia saat ini berkarat dan membuat pahit oleh rasa takut. Takut masa depan, takut bom hidrogen, takut ideologi. Mungkin rasa takut ini adalah bahaya yang lebih besar daripada bahaya itu sendiri, karena rasa takut yang mendorong orang untuk bertindak bodoh, bertindak tanpa berpikir, bertindak berbahaya. . . . Semua dari kita, saya yakin, dipersatukan oleh hal-hal yang lebih penting daripada mereka yang dangkal memisahkan kita. Kita bersatu, misalnya, oleh kebencian umum kolonialisme dalam bentuk apa pun muncul. Kami disatukan oleh kebencian umum rasialisme. Dan kita bersatu dengan tekad bersama untuk melestarikan dan menstabilkan perdamaian di dunia. . . . Kita sering mengatakan "Kolonialisme sudah mati." Mari kita tertipu atau bahkan ditenangkan oleh itu. 1 berkata kepadamu, kolonialisme belum mati. Bagaimana kita bisa mengatakan itu sudah mati, asalkan wilayah luas di Asia dan Afrika yang tidak bebas. Dan, saya mohon Anda tidak berpikir kolonialisme hanya dalam bentuk klasik yang kita dari Indonesia, dan saudara-saudara kita di berbagai belahan Asia dan Afrika, tahu. Kolonialisme juga memiliki gaun modern, dalam bentuk kontrol ekonomi, kontrol intelektual, kontrol fisik oleh komunitas kecil tapi alien dalam suatu negara. Ini adalah musuh terampil dan bertekad, dan muncul dalam banyak samaran. Itu tidak menyerah jarahan yang mudah. Dimanapun, kapanpun dan bagaimanapun itu muncul, kolonialisme adalah hal yang jahat, dan satu yang harus diberantas dari bumi. . . . Tidak begitu lama lalu kami berpendapat bahwa perdamaian itu perlu bagi kita karena wabah pertempuran di bagian kita dari dunia akan membahayakan kemerdekaan kita yang berharga, sehingga baru-baru ini memenangkan dengan biaya yang begitu besar. Hari ini, gambar yang lebih hitam. Perang akan kerusuhan hanya berarti ancaman bagi kemerdekaan kita, mungkin berarti akhir dari peradaban dan bahkan kehidupan manusia. Ada kekuatan yang longgar di dunia yang potensi untuk kejahatan tidak ada orang yang benar-benar tahu. Bahkan dalam praktek dan latihan untuk perang efek mungkin akan membangun menjadi sesuatu dari horor diketahui. Belum lama lalu itu mungkin untuk mengambil beberapa kenyamanan sedikit dari gagasan bahwa bentrokan itu, jika itu datang, mungkin bisa diselesaikan dengan apa yang disebut "senjata konvensional" -bombs, tank, meriam dan laki-laki. Hari ini yang sedikit gandum kenyamanan ditolak kita untuk itu telah dibuat jelas bahwa senjata horor akhir pasti akan digunakan, dan perencanaan militer negara adalah atas dasar itu. The konvensional telah menjadi konvensional, dan siapa tahu apa contoh lain dari keterampilan ilmiah sesat dan jahat telah ditemukan sebagai wabah pada manusia. Dan jangan berpikir bahwa lautan dan laut akan melindungi kita. Makanan yang we kucing, air yang kita minum, ya, bahkan udara yang kita hirup dapat terkontaminasi oleh racun yang berasal dari ribuan mil jauhnya. Dan bisa jadi, bahkan jika kita sendiri lolos ringan, generasi yang belum lahir dari anak-anak kita akan menanggung pada tubuh yang terdistorsi mereka tanda-tanda kegagalan kita untuk mengontrol pasukan yang telah dirilis pada dunia. Tidak ada tugas yang lebih mendesak daripada melestarikan perdamaian. Tanpa perdamaian kemerdekaan berarti sedikit. Rehabilitasi dan membina negara kita akan memiliki sedikit makna. Revolusi kami tidak akan diizinkan untuk menjalankan program mereka. . . . Apa yang bisa kita lakukan? Kita bisa melakukan banyak! Kita bisa menyuntikkan suara alasan dalam urusan dunia. Kita dapat memobilisasi semua spiritual, semua moral, semua kekuatan politik Asia dan Afrika di sisi perdamaian. Ya kita! Kami, bangsa-bangsa Asia dan Afrika, 1400000000 kuat, jauh lebih dari setengah populasi manusia di dunia, kita dapat memobilisasi apa yang saya sebut Moral Kekerasan of Nations mendukung perdamaian. Kita dapat menunjukkan kepada minoritas dunia yang tinggal di benua lain bahwa kita, mayoritas adalah untuk perdamaian, bukan untuk perang, dan bahwa kekuatan apa pun yang kita miliki akan selalu dilempar ke sisi perdamaian. Dalam perjuangan ini, beberapa Keberhasilan telah mencetak. Saya pikir itu umumnya diakui bahwa aktivitas Perdana Menteri Negara Sponsoring yang mengundang Anda di sini memiliki peran tidak penting untuk bermain dalam mengakhiri pertempuran di Indo-China. Lihatlah, bangsa-bangsa Asia mengangkat suara mereka, dan dunia mendengarkan. Itu tidak ada kemenangan kecil dan tidak ada preseden diabaikan! Kelima Perdana Menteri tidak membuat ancaman. Mereka tidak mengeluarkan ultimatum, mereka mengerahkan pasukan tidak ada. Sebaliknya mereka berdiskusi, membahas isu-isu, mengumpulkan ide-ide mereka, ditambahkan bersama-sama keterampilan politik masing-masing dan maju dengan suara dan beralasan saran yang membentuk dasar untuk penyelesaian perjuangan panjang di Indo-China. Saya harus sering sejak itu bertanya pada diri sendiri mengapa lima ini berhasil ketika orang lain, dengan catatan panjang diplomasi, tidak berhasil, dan, pada kenyataannya, telah membiarkan situasi yang buruk menjadi lebih buruk, sehingga ada bahaya konflik menyebar. . . . Saya berpikir bahwa jawabannya benar-benar terletak pada kenyataan bahwa kelima Perdana Menteri membawa pendekatan baru untuk menanggung pada masalah. Mereka tidak mencari keuntungan bagi negara mereka sendiri. Mereka tidak punya kapak kekuasaan-politik untuk menggiling. Mereka hanya memiliki satu bunga-cara untuk mengakhiri pertempuran di sedemikian rupa sehingga kemungkinan melanjutkan perdamaian dan stabilitas yang ditingkatkan. . . . Jadi, biarkan Konferensi Asia-Afrika ini menjadi sukses besar! Membuat "Live dan biarkan hidup" prinsip dan "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" motto kekuatan pemersatu yang membawa kita semua bersama-sama-untuk mencari di ramah, diskusi tanpa hambatan, cara dan sarana yang kita masing-masing dapat hidup sendiri, dan membiarkan orang lain menjalani kehidupan mereka sendiri, dengan cara mereka sendiri, dalam harmoni, dan damai. Jika kita berhasil melakukannya, efek untuk kebebasan, kemandirian dan kesejahteraan manusia akan menjadi besar di dunia pada umumnya. Terang Understanding telah kembali menyala, Pilar Kerjasama lagi didirikan. Kemungkinan keberhasilan Konferensi ini terbukti sudah dengan sangat kehadiran Anda semua di sini hari ini. Hal ini bagi kita untuk memberikan kekuatan, untuk memberikan kekuatan inspirasi-untuk menyebarkan pesannya di seluruh Dunia.