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Noam Chomsky interviewed by Peter J

Noam Chomsky interviewed by Peter Jay
The Jay Interview, July 25, 1976
QUESTION: Professor Chomsky, perhaps we should start by trying to define what is not meant by anarchism -- the word anarchy is derived, after all, from the Greek, literally meaning "no government." Now, presumably people who talk about anarchy or anarchism as a system of political philosophy don't just mean that, as it were, as of January 1st next year, government as we now understand it will suddenly cease; there would be no police, no rules of the road, no laws, no tax collectors, no post office, and so forth. Presumably, it means something more complicated than that.
CHOMSKY: Well, yes to some of those questions, no to others. They may very well mean no policemen, but I don't think they would mean no rules of the road. In fact, I should say to begin with that the term anarchism is used to cover quite a range of political ideas, but I would prefer to think of it as the libertarian left, and from that point of view anarchism can be conceived as a kind of voluntary socialism, that is, as libertarian socialist or anarcho-syndicalist or communist anarchist, in the tradition of, say, Bakunin and Kropotkin and others. They had in mind a highly organized form of society, but a society that was organized on the basis of organic units, organic communities. And generally, they meant by that the workplace and the neighborhood, and from those two basic units there could derive through federal arrangements a highly integrated kind of social organization which might be national or even international in scope. And these decisions could be made over a substantial range, but by delegates who are always part of the organic community from which they come, to which they return, and in which, in fact, they live.
QUESTION: So it doesn't mean a society in which there is, literally speaking, no government, so much as a society in which the primary source of authority comes, as it were, from the bottom up, and not the top down. Whereas representative democracy, as we have it in the United States and in Britain, would be regarded as a from-the-top-down authority, even though ultimately the voters decide.
CHOMSKY: Representative democracy, as in, say, the United States or Great Britain, would be criticized by an anarchist of this school on two grounds. First of all because there is a monopoly of power centralized in the state, and secondly -- and critically -- because the representative democracy is limited to the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic sphere. Anarchists of this tradition have always held that democratic control of one's productive life is at the core of any serious human liberation, or, for that matter, of any significant democratic practice. That is, as long as individuals are compelled to rent themselves on the market to those who are willing to hire them, as long as their role in production is simply that of ancillary tools, then there are striking elements of coercion and oppression that make talk of democracy very limited, if even meaningful.
QUESTION: Historically speaking, have there been any sustained examples on any substantial scale of societies which approximated to the anarchist ideal?
CHOMSKY: There are small societies, small in number, that I think have done so quite well, and there are a few examples of large scale libertarian revolutions which were largely anarchist in their structure. As to the first, small societies extending over a long period, I myself think the most dramatic example is perhaps the Israeli kibbutzim, which for a long period really were constructed on anarchist principles, that is: self-management, direct worker control, integration of agriculture, industry, service, personal participation in self-management. And they were, I should think, extraordinarily successful by almost any measure that one can impose.
QUESTION: But they were presumably, and still are, in the framework of a conventional state whi
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Noam Chomsky interviewed by Peter JayThe Jay Interview, July 25, 1976QUESTION: Professor Chomsky, perhaps we should start by trying to define what is not meant by anarchism -- the word anarchy is derived, after all, from the Greek, literally meaning "no government." Now, presumably people who talk about anarchy or anarchism as a system of political philosophy don't just mean that, as it were, as of January 1st next year, government as we now understand it will suddenly cease; there would be no police, no rules of the road, no laws, no tax collectors, no post office, and so forth. Presumably, it means something more complicated than that.CHOMSKY: Well, yes to some of those questions, no to others. They may very well mean no policemen, but I don't think they would mean no rules of the road. In fact, I should say to begin with that the term anarchism is used to cover quite a range of political ideas, but I would prefer to think of it as the libertarian left, and from that point of view anarchism can be conceived as a kind of voluntary socialism, that is, as libertarian socialist or anarcho-syndicalist or communist anarchist, in the tradition of, say, Bakunin and Kropotkin and others. They had in mind a highly organized form of society, but a society that was organized on the basis of organic units, organic communities. And generally, they meant by that the workplace and the neighborhood, and from those two basic units there could derive through federal arrangements a highly integrated kind of social organization which might be national or even international in scope. And these decisions could be made over a substantial range, but by delegates who are always part of the organic community from which they come, to which they return, and in which, in fact, they live.QUESTION: So it doesn't mean a society in which there is, literally speaking, no government, so much as a society in which the primary source of authority comes, as it were, from the bottom up, and not the top down. Whereas representative democracy, as we have it in the United States and in Britain, would be regarded as a from-the-top-down authority, even though ultimately the voters decide.CHOMSKY: Representative democracy, as in, say, the United States or Great Britain, would be criticized by an anarchist of this school on two grounds. First of all because there is a monopoly of power centralized in the state, and secondly -- and critically -- because the representative democracy is limited to the political sphere and in no serious way encroaches on the economic sphere. Anarchists of this tradition have always held that democratic control of one's productive life is at the core of any serious human liberation, or, for that matter, of any significant democratic practice. That is, as long as individuals are compelled to rent themselves on the market to those who are willing to hire them, as long as their role in production is simply that of ancillary tools, then there are striking elements of coercion and oppression that make talk of democracy very limited, if even meaningful.QUESTION: Historically speaking, have there been any sustained examples on any substantial scale of societies which approximated to the anarchist ideal?CHOMSKY: There are small societies, small in number, that I think have done so quite well, and there are a few examples of large scale libertarian revolutions which were largely anarchist in their structure. As to the first, small societies extending over a long period, I myself think the most dramatic example is perhaps the Israeli kibbutzim, which for a long period really were constructed on anarchist principles, that is: self-management, direct worker control, integration of agriculture, industry, service, personal participation in self-management. And they were, I should think, extraordinarily successful by almost any measure that one can impose.QUESTION: But they were presumably, and still are, in the framework of a conventional state whi
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Noam Chomsky diwawancarai oleh Peter Jay
Jay The Interview, 25 Juli 1976
PERTANYAAN: Profesor Chomsky, mungkin kita harus mulai dengan mencoba untuk mendefinisikan apa yang dimaksud dengan tidak anarkisme - anarki kata berasal, setelah semua, dari bahasa Yunani, secara harfiah berarti "tidak ada pemerintah." Sekarang, mungkin orang-orang yang berbicara tentang anarki atau anarkisme sebagai sistem filsafat politik tidak hanya berarti bahwa, karena itu, tanggal 1 Januari tahun depan, pemerintah seperti sekarang kita mengerti itu tiba-tiba akan berhenti; tidak akan ada polisi, tidak ada aturan jalan, tidak ada hukum, ada pemungut pajak, tidak ada kantor pos, dan sebagainya. Agaknya, itu berarti sesuatu yang lebih rumit dari itu.
Chomsky: Nah, ya untuk beberapa pertanyaan-pertanyaan, tidak ada orang lain. Mereka mungkin sangat baik berarti tidak ada polisi, tapi saya tidak berpikir mereka akan berarti tidak ada aturan jalan. Bahkan, saya harus mengatakan untuk memulai dengan bahwa anarkisme istilah digunakan untuk menutupi cukup berbagai ide-ide politik, tapi saya lebih suka menganggapnya sebagai kiri libertarian, dan dari sudut pandang anarkisme dapat dipahami sebagai sejenis sosialisme sukarela, yaitu, sebagai sosialis libertarian atau anarko-sindikalis atau anarkis komunis, dalam tradisi, misalnya, Bakunin dan Kropotkin dan lain-lain. Mereka ada dalam pikiran bentuk yang sangat terorganisir masyarakat, tapi masyarakat yang diselenggarakan atas dasar unit organik, masyarakat organik. Dan umumnya, mereka dimaksud dengan bahwa tempat kerja dan lingkungan, dan dari dua unit dasar ada bisa berasal melalui pengaturan federal yang semacam sangat terintegrasi organisasi sosial yang mungkin nasional atau bahkan internasional dalam lingkup. Dan keputusan ini bisa dibuat pada rentang yang cukup besar, tetapi oleh delegasi yang selalu bagian dari komunitas organik dari mana mereka datang, yang mereka kembali, dan di mana, pada kenyataannya, mereka tinggal.
PERTANYAAN: Jadi bukan berarti masyarakat di mana ada, secara harfiah berbicara, tidak ada pemerintah, begitu banyak sebagai masyarakat di mana sumber utama otoritas datang, karena itu, dari bawah ke atas, dan tidak atas ke bawah. Sedangkan demokrasi perwakilan, seperti yang kita memilikinya di Amerika Serikat dan di Inggris, akan dianggap sebagai otoritas dari-the-top-down, meskipun akhirnya pemilih memutuskan.
Chomsky: demokrasi perwakilan, seperti, katakanlah, Amerika Serikat atau Inggris, akan dikritik oleh anarkis sekolah ini pada dua alasan. Pertama-tama karena ada monopoli kekuasaan terpusat di negara bagian, dan kedua - dan kritis - karena demokrasi perwakilan terbatas bidang politik dan sama sekali tidak serius encroaches di bidang ekonomi. Anarkis dari tradisi ini selalu menyatakan bahwa kontrol demokratis kehidupan produktif seseorang merupakan inti dari setiap pembebasan manusia yang serius, atau, dalam hal ini, setiap praktik demokrasi yang signifikan. Artinya, selama individu dipaksa untuk menyewa sendiri di pasar untuk mereka yang bersedia untuk mempekerjakan mereka, asalkan peran mereka dalam produksi hanya bahwa alat tambahan, maka ada unsur mencolok pemaksaan dan penindasan yang membuat bicara demokrasi sangat terbatas, jika bahkan bermakna.
PERTANYAAN: Secara historis, telah ada menjadi contoh yang berkelanjutan pada setiap skala besar masyarakat yang diperkirakan untuk anarkis yang ideal?
Chomsky: Ada masyarakat kecil, kecil jumlahnya, yang saya pikir telah melakukannya cukup baik, dan ada beberapa contoh dari revolusi libertarian skala besar yang sebagian besar anarkis dalam struktur mereka. Sebagai yang pertama, masyarakat kecil memperpanjang jangka waktu lama, saya sendiri pikir contoh paling dramatis mungkin adalah kibbutzim Israel, yang untuk waktu yang lama benar-benar dibangun pada prinsip-prinsip anarkis, yaitu: manajemen diri, kontrol pekerja langsung, integrasi pertanian, industri, jasa, partisipasi pribadi dalam manajemen diri. Dan mereka, saya harus berpikir, sukses luar biasa dengan hampir semua ukuran yang salah bisa memaksakan.
PERTANYAAN: Tapi mereka mungkin, dan masih, dalam kerangka WHI negara konvensional
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