It is clear that the institutionalist position implies a very broad po terjemahan - It is clear that the institutionalist position implies a very broad po Bahasa Indonesia Bagaimana mengatakan

It is clear that the institutionali

It is clear that the institutionalist position implies a very broad policy approach that focuses on the insitutional and social foundations of economic behaviour. Its agenda threatens the inherited policy approach in three ways: first by placing faith in long-term, evolutionary actions which tend to span across normal planning and electoral cycles; second, by suggesting new actor rationalities to replace reliance on standardised, off-the- shelf formulae applied mechanically by an unreflexive policy community; and third, by expecting policy actors to considerably broaden their definition of the factors of economic success. The response to these challenges, however, should be positive and exploratory, since it is clear that the currently available policy orhodoxies are straining at the seams.
It is nevertheless vital that an approach based on mobilising the wealth of regions does not degenerate into localist sentiment. There is a risk that the institutionalist turn in regional
thought and practice reinforces a parochial optimism centred around the belief that building local capabilities might be sufficient for establishing a privileged position within global networks. There are two flaws in this assumption. First, as Ray Hudson (1996) argues, drawing on the example of once-prosperous regions which too were learning regions, such internal connectivity unattended can quite easily end up reinforcing through institutional lock-in, path-dependencies which are inappropriate for new economic circumstances. Second, and as a consequence, the critical factor for economic success is not the presence of local relations of association, and institutional advancement, but the ability of places to anticipate and respond to changing external circumstances. Thus it is the management of the region’s wider connectivity that is of prime importance, rather than its intrinsic supply-side qualities.
In part, responsibility for the management of this wider connectivity lies in the hands of non-regional actors, most notably governments. No amount of imaginative region- building will be able to sustain a spiral of endogenous economic growth in the absence of a conducive macroeconomic framework. Inter-regional competition in a Europe in recession, and dominated by restrictive macroeconomic policies, will continue to work in favour of the core regions. Therefore, something has to be done to secure the less favoured regions sufficient time and resources to implement boot-strapping reforms. So entrenched is the recent history in the EU, and other regional confederations, of member state commitment to macroeconomic prudence - from monetary stability to reduced public expenditure - that manipulation of the rules in favour of the LFRs is a dim prospect. For example, inflationary, or deficit-inducing expenditure programmes steered towards the less favoured regions are likely to be blocked.
Yet, it is imperative that the European economy, with its alarmingly high levels of unemployment, is given an expansionary kick start. Historically, governments have implemented Keynesian, demand-led recovery programmes by financing public building and infrastructure programmes, as well as relaxing investment and credit restrictions in order to stimulate expenditure, and consequently, industrial expansion. With careful regulation of potential inflationary outcomes, there is no reason why controlled expansion of the economy along these lines is not possible. Without it, there can be little scope for redistributing jobs and economic opportunity to the regions.
Secondly, regional financial security, decoupled from the ideological whims of centralising
governments, needs to be secured across member states, in order to adequately resource policy priorities and meet the income and welfare needs of the local population. Controversially, this might involve as bold a step as automatic fiscal transfers to the regions aligned to local income. In this way, tax revenue pooled at, say, the EU level can be automatically, and continually, redirected to the regions. Such a regionally equitable fiscal system would ensure that the less favoured regions are compensated for their inability to generate as high a level of local tax revenue as their more prosperous counterparts.
These are controversial suggestions which need further debate. However, the point of raising them here is that in the absence of a conducive macroeconomic framework, it seems irresponsible to ask the regions to embark upon a long-term and comprehensive overhaul in pursuit of an endogenous pathway to prosperity.
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It is clear that the institutionalist position implies a very broad policy approach that focuses on the insitutional and social foundations of economic behaviour. Its agenda threatens the inherited policy approach in three ways: first by placing faith in long-term, evolutionary actions which tend to span across normal planning and electoral cycles; second, by suggesting new actor rationalities to replace reliance on standardised, off-the- shelf formulae applied mechanically by an unreflexive policy community; and third, by expecting policy actors to considerably broaden their definition of the factors of economic success. The response to these challenges, however, should be positive and exploratory, since it is clear that the currently available policy orhodoxies are straining at the seams.
It is nevertheless vital that an approach based on mobilising the wealth of regions does not degenerate into localist sentiment. There is a risk that the institutionalist turn in regional
thought and practice reinforces a parochial optimism centred around the belief that building local capabilities might be sufficient for establishing a privileged position within global networks. There are two flaws in this assumption. First, as Ray Hudson (1996) argues, drawing on the example of once-prosperous regions which too were learning regions, such internal connectivity unattended can quite easily end up reinforcing through institutional lock-in, path-dependencies which are inappropriate for new economic circumstances. Second, and as a consequence, the critical factor for economic success is not the presence of local relations of association, and institutional advancement, but the ability of places to anticipate and respond to changing external circumstances. Thus it is the management of the region’s wider connectivity that is of prime importance, rather than its intrinsic supply-side qualities.
In part, responsibility for the management of this wider connectivity lies in the hands of non-regional actors, most notably governments. No amount of imaginative region- building will be able to sustain a spiral of endogenous economic growth in the absence of a conducive macroeconomic framework. Inter-regional competition in a Europe in recession, and dominated by restrictive macroeconomic policies, will continue to work in favour of the core regions. Therefore, something has to be done to secure the less favoured regions sufficient time and resources to implement boot-strapping reforms. So entrenched is the recent history in the EU, and other regional confederations, of member state commitment to macroeconomic prudence - from monetary stability to reduced public expenditure - that manipulation of the rules in favour of the LFRs is a dim prospect. For example, inflationary, or deficit-inducing expenditure programmes steered towards the less favoured regions are likely to be blocked.
Yet, it is imperative that the European economy, with its alarmingly high levels of unemployment, is given an expansionary kick start. Historically, governments have implemented Keynesian, demand-led recovery programmes by financing public building and infrastructure programmes, as well as relaxing investment and credit restrictions in order to stimulate expenditure, and consequently, industrial expansion. With careful regulation of potential inflationary outcomes, there is no reason why controlled expansion of the economy along these lines is not possible. Without it, there can be little scope for redistributing jobs and economic opportunity to the regions.
Secondly, regional financial security, decoupled from the ideological whims of centralising
governments, needs to be secured across member states, in order to adequately resource policy priorities and meet the income and welfare needs of the local population. Controversially, this might involve as bold a step as automatic fiscal transfers to the regions aligned to local income. In this way, tax revenue pooled at, say, the EU level can be automatically, and continually, redirected to the regions. Such a regionally equitable fiscal system would ensure that the less favoured regions are compensated for their inability to generate as high a level of local tax revenue as their more prosperous counterparts.
These are controversial suggestions which need further debate. However, the point of raising them here is that in the absence of a conducive macroeconomic framework, it seems irresponsible to ask the regions to embark upon a long-term and comprehensive overhaul in pursuit of an endogenous pathway to prosperity.
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Jelas bahwa posisi institusionalis menyiratkan pendekatan kebijakan yang sangat luas yang berfokus pada dasar-dasar insitutional dan sosial dari perilaku ekonomi. Agendanya mengancam pendekatan kebijakan yang diwariskan dalam tiga cara: pertama dengan menempatkan iman dalam jangka panjang, tindakan evolusi yang cenderung mencakup seluruh perencanaan normal dan siklus pemilu; kedua, dengan menyarankan rasionalitas aktor baru untuk menggantikan ketergantungan pada standar, off-the-rak formula diterapkan secara mekanis oleh komunitas kebijakan unreflexive; dan ketiga, dengan mengharapkan pelaku kebijakan untuk jauh memperluas definisi mereka mengenai faktor-faktor keberhasilan ekonomi. Respon terhadap tantangan ini, bagaimanapun, harus positif dan eksplorasi, karena jelas bahwa orhodoxies kebijakan saat ini tersedia yang tegang di jahitannya.
Hal ini tetap penting bahwa pendekatan berdasarkan memobilisasi kekayaan daerah tidak merosot ke dalam sentimen lokalis . Ada risiko bahwa pergantian institusionalis di daerah
pemikiran dan praktek memperkuat optimisme paroki berpusat di sekitar keyakinan bahwa membangun kemampuan lokal mungkin cukup untuk menetapkan posisi istimewa dalam jaringan global. Ada dua kelemahan dalam asumsi ini. Pertama, sebagai Ray Hudson (1996) berpendapat, menggambar pada contoh daerah sekali-sejahtera yang terlalu sedang belajar daerah, konektivitas internal seperti tanpa pengawasan dapat dengan mudah berakhir memperkuat kelembagaan melalui lock-in, jalan-dependensi yang tidak pantas untuk ekonomi baru keadaan. Kedua, dan sebagai akibatnya, faktor penting bagi keberhasilan ekonomi tidak adanya hubungan lokal berserikat, dan kemajuan kelembagaan, tetapi kemampuan tempat untuk mengantisipasi dan menanggapi perubahan keadaan eksternal. Jadi itu adalah manajemen konektivitas wilayah yang lebih luas yang adalah sangat penting, daripada kualitas sisi penawaran yang intrinsik.
Pada bagian, tanggung jawab pengelolaan konektivitas yang lebih luas ini terletak di tangan aktor-aktor non-regional, terutama pemerintah. Tidak ada jumlah bangunan wilayah-imajinatif akan mampu mempertahankan spiral pertumbuhan ekonomi endogen dengan tidak adanya kerangka ekonomi makro yang kondusif. Kompetisi antar-regional di Eropa dalam resesi, dan didominasi oleh kebijakan makroekonomi membatasi, akan terus bekerja dalam mendukung daerah inti. Oleh karena itu, sesuatu harus dilakukan untuk mengamankan daerah kurang disukai waktu yang cukup dan sumber daya untuk melaksanakan reformasi boot-strapping. Begitu melekat adalah sejarah di Uni Eropa, dan konfederasi regional lainnya, komitmen negara anggota untuk kehati-hatian makro ekonomi - dari stabilitas moneter untuk mengurangi pengeluaran publik - bahwa manipulasi aturan mendukung LFRs adalah prospek yang redup. Misalnya, inflasi, atau program pengeluaran defisit merangsang diarahkan untuk daerah kurang disukai kemungkinan akan diblokir.
Namun, sangat penting bahwa ekonomi Eropa, dengan tingkat mengkhawatirkan tinggi pengangguran, diberikan tendangan awal ekspansif. Secara historis, pemerintah telah menerapkan Keynesian, program pemulihan permintaan dipimpin oleh pembiayaan pembangunan dan infrastruktur program publik, serta pembatasan investasi dan kredit santai dalam rangka untuk merangsang pengeluaran, dan akibatnya, ekspansi industri. Peraturan-hati hasil inflasi potensial, tidak ada alasan mengapa ekspansi dikendalikan ekonomi sepanjang garis-garis ini tidak mungkin. Tanpa itu, akan ada sedikit ruang untuk mendistribusikan pekerjaan dan kesempatan ekonomi bagi daerah.
Kedua, keamanan keuangan daerah, dipisahkan dari keinginan ideologis sentralisasi
pemerintah, perlu diamankan di negara-negara anggota, untuk sumber daya memadai prioritas kebijakan dan memenuhi kebutuhan pendapatan dan kesejahteraan penduduk setempat. Kontroversial, ini mungkin melibatkan sebagai langkah berani seperti transfer fiskal otomatis ke daerah disesuaikan dengan pendapatan daerah. Dengan cara ini, penerimaan pajak dikumpulkan, katakanlah, tingkat Uni Eropa dapat secara otomatis, dan terus-menerus, diarahkan ke daerah. Sistem fiskal regional adil seperti itu akan memastikan bahwa daerah kurang disukai kompensasi atas ketidakmampuan mereka untuk menghasilkan tingkat tinggi dari penerimaan pajak daerah sebagai mitra lebih makmur mereka.
Ini adalah saran yang kontroversial yang membutuhkan perdebatan lebih lanjut. Namun, titik membesarkan mereka di sini adalah bahwa dengan tidak adanya kerangka ekonomi makro yang kondusif, tampaknya bertanggung jawab untuk meminta daerah untuk memulai pada jangka panjang dan perbaikan yang komprehensif dalam mengejar jalur endogen menuju kemakmuran.
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