Hasil (
Bahasa Indonesia) 1:
[Salinan]Disalin!
Taphonomy and UniformitarianismSo the incomplete crania, the basis of Agenbroad’s analogy, are readily explained by natural processes, not humanbehavior. This is more than simple analogy—it is middlelevel theory, because we understand why bison bonesdisarticulate, become buried, and weather the way thatthey do. But this understanding is based on observations of modern animals. Can we trust these observations to explain archaeological remains? The principle of uniformitarianism applies here, because ancient animals, like the bison that died at Hudson- Meng, had the same anatomy as the animals observed in taphonomic studies. Bison disarticulation is governed by the amount of cartilage and tendons holding bones together and the amount of muscle tissue around them. The more cartilage, tendon, and muscle in a joint, the more resistant the joint is to disarticulation. If skeletal disarticulation is largely a product of anatomy, and if bison anatomy has not changed over the past 10,000 years (and it hasn’t), then modern observations are relevant to the interpretation of archaeological data. Likewise, the effect of sunlight on bone is a product of the nature of bone and the nature of sunlight. And given that neither sunlight nor bone composition has changed over time, we have gone beyond analogy to explain why particular natural factors have particular predictable effects on bone. This is middle-level theory. And the implication is that humans played littlerole, if any, in the deaths of the 500 bison at Hudson-Meng. But if humans did not dispatchthe bison—what happened? Todd and Rapson hypothesize that a summer storm sparked a massive prairie fire that drove the bison herd into the swale for protection (many of the bison lie with their heads to the southeast, which, using analogy with modern bison behavior, suggests that they were responding to a northwest wind). None of the bones are burned, so these animals were not burned to death. But the fire could have jumped the swale and asphyxiated the bison by sucking up all the oxygen for a few critical minutes. This hypothesis remains to be tested. And what of the 21 projectile points found there? As you have seen in previous chapters, archaeological sites are often reoccupied. In their careful excavations, Todd and Rapson found several thin soils containing a few archaeological remains above the bison. In fact, Agenbroad found fewer than ten points among the bones. The spear points, then, were probably discarded or lost long after the bison had died, decomposed, and become buried, and a few points moved downward through rodent burrowing and sediment processes into the bonebed.Experimental Archaeology Taphonomy uses observations of modern processes to help make inferences from archaeological data. But what if this is impossible? What if we want to know the material effects of behaviors that no longer exist? This is especially relevant to human behaviors, because people did things in the past that they no longer do today. Understanding the material remains of these behaviors requires experimental archaeology.How Were Stone Tools Made?Many prehistoric techniques died with their practitioners, and experimental archaeologists have been forced to rediscover them. Making stone tools is one such technique, and many archaeologists have experimented by manufacturing their own. To make a stone tool, you must first locate and collect the appropriate raw materials—rocks that break with a glassy fracture such as obsidian, quartzite, or chert. This may require excavating into bedrock, because frost fracturing and sunlight can ruin surface specimens. Some ancient peoples excavated major quarries into bedrock using only fire, wooden wedges, and stone mallets. If the stone is chert or quartzite, you might improve it by heat treatment—burying large flakes or small cores in about 5 centimeters of sand, and then burning a fire on top for a day or so. Ancient flintknappers learned that they could more easily chip and shape stone treated in this way. The problem is that, over the millennia, plenty has been forgotten about the detailed technology required to make good stone tools from a pile of rocks. Fortunately, a school of experimentalists—many of them dedicated amateur archaeologists—has rediscovered some of this technology. One of the best known, Don Crabtree (1912–1980) spent a lifetime experimenting with stone tool manufacturing methods. One of his projects was to rediscover the techniques used to fabricate Folsom spear points. Remember from Chapter 4 that Folsom points, such as those found at the Folsom site in New Mexico, date to 12,300 to 12,900 calendar years ago. These exquisite points turn up in many sites on the Great Plains and in the Rocky Mountains where, mounted on spears or darts, they brought down game, including bison. Although the points are often only about 6 to 8 centimeters (2 to 3 inches) long, Crabtree counted more than 150 minute sharpening flakes removed from their surface. The most distinctive property of Folsom artifacts are the flutes—wide, shallow, longitudinal grooves on each face of the point (see Figure 7-6). Flutes are made by removing channel flakes from the point’s base on both sides. Nobody is sure why these artifacts were thinned in this fashion, but everybody agrees that fluting is an extraordinary feat of flintknapping. The technical quality of Folsom points intrigued Crabtree. With enough practice, one can learn to quickly fashion many projectile points. But making Folsom points must have required hours, assuming that one understood how to do it in the first place. And in the twentieth century, nobody did. Archaeologists have long speculated how ancient peoples removed the channel flakes. And for 40 years, Crabtree tried every way he could think of to manufacture Folsom replicas. He described 11 different methods he had tried to remove channel flakes. Most simply didn’t work: Either the method was impossible with primitive tools or the resulting flute was different from those on the Folsom points. One method succeeded only in driving a copper punch through his left hand. Crabtree eventually concluded that channel flakes could be removed in only two ways. In one experiment, he placed an antler shaft, known as a “punch,” on the bottom of the unfinished artifact and then struck the punch with a sharp upward blow. Because placement of the antler punch was critical, this technique required two workers. A second technique was based on the seventeenth-century observations of Juan de Torquemada, a Spanish Franciscan friar who traveled through the Central American jungles in 1615. This method used a chest crutch, with padding at one end and an antler tine hafted to the other, to drive flakes off a core. So, Crabtree manufactured one following Torquemada’s description. He then tied an unfinished experimental Folsom point into a wood-and-thong vise, which he gripped between his feet. Bracing the crutch against his chest and pressing downward, he successfully detached channel flakes, time after time. The resulting artifacts were almost identical to prehistoric Folsom points. Crabtree’s research unleashed an avalanche of experimentation in the fluting problem. These efforts show that some ten different methods can successfully remove channel flakes and produce the distinctive flutes of Folsom points.
Sedang diterjemahkan, harap tunggu..
