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* Professor Kenneth R. Hall, Dept. of History, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana47306, USA, khall2@gw.bsu.edu.1 This study is a substantial retrospective of my paper, ÒThe Coming of Islam to theArchipelago: A Reassessment,Ó in Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in SoutheastAsia: Perspectives from Prehistory, History, and Ethnography, ed. Karl L. Hutterer (AnnArbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, 1977), 213-31. It is a product of mywork in a National Endowment for the Humanities sponsored cross-regional seminar on ÒTheOrigins of the Islamic StateÓ that was organized by University of Chicago Professors FredDonner, Walter Kaegi, and Donald Whitcomb, which met at the Oriental Institute, Universityof Chicago during June and July 2000, as well as follow-up archaeological site work on thetransitions from pre-Islamic to Islamic in Jordan, under the auspices of the American Centerfor Oriental Research in Amman, Jordan in February and March 2001. I thank the NationalEndowment for the Humanities and Ball State University for their research grants, and thehelpful comments and critique of the seminar leaders and participants, the scholars-in-residenceat the American Center in Amman, and the JESHO reviewers.UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEASTASIAÕS FIRST ISLAMIC POLITY: THE CHANGING SENSE OFCOMMUNITY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURYHIKAYAT RAJA-RAJA PASAI COURT CHRONICLE1BYKENNETH R. HALL*AbstractThis study on the thirteenth and fourteenth century emergence of Southeast AsiaÕs earliestIslamic state examines how the . fteenth century Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai court chronicle canbe used to understand the Samudra-Pasai port-polity and its legitimation. The local pre-Islamic north Sumatra order is . rst portrayed in the Hikayat, which highlights the sovereignÕsmythical attributes. Indian Ocean commercial and diplomatic channels then provided accessto imported textiles, which became the centerpiece of the monarchÕs ritualized redistributions,as well as the opportunity to enter membership in the community of Islam. Samudra-PasaiÕsnewly converted sultans successfully linked disparate upstream and downstream populationclusters under the leadership of their port-centered court, in ways that were not only consistentwith local beliefs, but also appropriate to an Islamic society.Cette . tude, sur lÕ. mergence du premier . tat islamique en Asie du sud-est aux treisime etquatorzime si cles, considre comment la chronique de la cour de Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai,datant du quinzime si cle, peut tre utilis.e pour comprendre le port-r.gime de Samudra-Pasai et sa l. gitimation. LÕordre local et pr. -islamique de Sumatra du nord est repr. sent.dans le Hikayat, un texte qui souligne les attributs mythiques du souverain. En particulier, ler. seau commercial et diplomatique, centr. sur lÕoc. an indien, a permis lÕacc s aux textilesimport. s, qui sont devenus la pi ce ma”tresse du systme monarchique de r. distribution© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2001 JESHO 44,2UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 199rituelle, et lÕoccasion dÕentrer comme membre dans la communaut. dÕislam. Les souverainsde Samudra- Pasai a reli. avec succ s les populations disparates en amont and en aval de larivi re sous la direction de la cour, centr. sur le port, par les moyens qui conforment nonseulement aux croyances locales mais aussi qui conviennent ˆ une soci. t. islamique.Keywords: Samudra-Pasai, Melaka, Majapahit, Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, MinangkabauThis study addresses the uni. cation of Samudra-Pasai into Southeast AsiaÕs. rst Islamic polity. It also demonstrates how a traditional Malay court text, the. fteenth century Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, with a high degree of ÒmythicalÓ elements,can still reveal much about the capacity of local polities and the reasonsfor their acceptance of Islam. While the Pasai chronicle is undoubtedly less thanprecise in its record of historical detail, it clearly records local values and commonperceptions held at the time of the Islamic conversion, or what archipelagopopulations would graphically allude to as the body beneath the cloth.2 Inthe chronicleÕs account, the thirteenth and fourteenth century initiatives of Samudra-PasaiÕs earliest rulers linked disparate upstream and downstream populationclusters of northeast Sumatra under the authority of their port-centered court, inways that were not only consistent with local beliefs, but also appropriate to anIslamic society.The thirteenth century marked an age of expansion in the East-West maritimetrade.3 Samudra-Pasai came into existence due to its access to northernSumatraÕs pepper production and its strategic position in the Straits of Melaka,adjacent to the major international sea route between India and China. Whilethe material rewards of membership in the international marketplace were substantial,the local societal networks that emerged as a consequence of, or alongwith, the heightened external trade contacts were also foundational to Samudra-PasaiÕs success.Research so far has failed to adequately consider the origins of this earliestSoutheast Asian Islamic polity, and especially the interaction between Islam andlocal politics, culture, and commercial enterprise. Since there was a decidedcommitment to Islam by Samudra-PasaiÕs court leadership, the focus here is on2 Kenneth R. Hall, ÒThe Textile Industry in Southeast Asia, 1400-1800,Ó JESHO 39,2(1996): 91-9.3 Janet Abu-Lughod, ÒThe World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End orPrecursor?Ó in Islamic and European Expansion, The Forging of a Global Order, ed.Michael Adas (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 75-102. For an account of Samudra-PasaiÕs history, the historical documentation of its existence other than its Hikayat, and itsplace in the international trade from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century see Kenneth R.Hall, ÒTrade and Statecraft in the Western Archipelago at the Dawn of the European Age,ÓJournal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 54, 1 (1981): 21-47.200 KENNETH R. HALLthe role that Islam assumed in the local expression of political legitimacy. Thiscommitment involved a rich new cultural synthesis between local practice andthe fundamental demands of the Islamic religious tradition. Entry into the communityof Islam had both an internal as well as an external dimension. Internally,acceptance of Islam was signi. cant relative to local issues of sovereigntyand cultural expression, as for example the superceding of earlier tribalism orself-indulgent behavior by a stronger sense of communal responsibility. Membersof the society who made this commitment accepted common laws of societalconduct as appropriate to an inclusive Islamic community. Those who didnot withdrew to a periphery to avoid subjugation by the authority of Islam andits political and religious leaders. Externally, the commitment to Islam offereddiverse opportunities for bene. cial participation in an international Islamicpolitical, cultural, and economic network, which in turn enhanced local expressionof power.The sources of Islamic history are often at odds with what traditionalWestern historians are accustomed to using in their investigations. They intentionallyconvey cultural values appropriate to Muslims and local values that arenot ÒpoliticalÓ in the Western understanding of the word, or contain ideas andsymbolism not easily recognized by Western-oriented scholars. For example,traditional Western historians have addressed the origin of states with emphasis(and consistent with Western documents that place value) on the developmentof administrative capacity and/or an ability to raise and collect revenues.Alternatively, as demonstrated in the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, many non-Western sources are more concerned with expressions of power that are basedon an eliteÕs capacity to de. ne and bestow social rank and sustain ritual performance,which in the local view uni. ed a society more than any bureaucraticadministration. By learning how to read such sources correctly, historians cangain greater understanding and appreciation of Islamic ideas concerning theoriginal Islamic polities and their legitimation.This study begins by addressing Samudra-PasaiÕs pre-Islamic order as portrayedin the Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, and how would-be monarchs could satisfy traditionalexpectations as an initial step toward gaining hegemony. Indigenousself-de. ned entitlement emphasized genealogy, a sense of magical empowermentthat was in part ancestral, as well as the capacity to externally situate thecommunity: to place the local polity on at least an equal if not a superior diplomaticfooting relative to its immediate neighboring port-polities on the Sumatracoast, and the major Asian civilizations with which it traded in Java, China, andIndia. The magically-endowed ruler was in turn the source of his subjectsÕ spiritual,material, and societal well-being. This is symbolized in an initial Hikayatepisode in which the successful . rst monarch was said to have the capacity toUPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM UNIFICATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 201miraculously transform worms into gold, which in combination with the rulerÕsother initiatives guaranteed local success. The monarchÕs mythical capacity tobring his subjects material reward was reinforced by periodic rituals that highlightedsymbolic redistribution of spiritual and tangible bene. ts4 at the downstreamcourt as well as in the upstream communities that the monarch regularlyvisited.This earliest ruler-centered ritual was reinforced by the bene. ts of Samudra-PasaiÕs participation in the international trade. The Hikayat proclaimed these tobe the consequence of the rulerÕs successful initiatives, speci. cally those thatbrought access to imported textiles, which became the centerpiece of themonarchÕs ritualized redistribution. The
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